Twenty armed men in three vehicles took her from her hospital room in handcuffs. She was separated from her baby. They took her away swiftly while her mother was settling her hospital bills. This detainee is not a high profile, dangerous criminal, but a health worker and political detainee.
Morong 43′s New Mom Asserts Her Rights and That of Her Child
By RONALYN OLEA
Bulatlat.com [1]
“I felt like I am an Ampatuan,” Carina Judilyn Oliveros blurted out as she described how the guards of the Bureau of Jail Management and Penology (BJMP) took her and her baby out of the hospital on Aug. 18.
Oliveros, one of the Morong 43, gave birth to her first child on July 22 at the Philippine General Hospital in Manila. The 43 health workers were arrested on Feb. 6 in Morong, Rizal by virtue of a search warrant against a certain Mario Condes who was never found. They were held in military captivity for almost three months before they were transferred to Camp Bagong Diwa in Bicutan. They have been charged with illegal possession of firearms and explosives.
The Ampatuans, meanwhile, are suspects in last November’s massacre of 57 individuals, mostly journalists, in Ampatuan town, Maguindanao.
“There were about 20 of them, all armed,” Oliveros said in describing the soldiers who took her and her baby out of the hospital. “Some were carrying long firearms. About ten went inside our [hospital] room.” Oliveros initially refused to go with the BJMP guards but she was told the court has ordered her immediate transfer to Camp Bagong Diwa.
Judge Gina Cenat Escoto of Morong Regional Trial Court Branch 78 rejected the petition filed by Oliveros’ counsels for her temporary release on recognizance due to humanitarian reasons. In a decision dated Aug. 16, the court ordered the BJMP to immediately return Oliveros to the detention facility. The court said there was no basis for granting the release.
“I just wanted to hold my child but they did not allow that until we got inside the vehicle,” Oliveros said.
“They handcuffed me but they did not want the public to see it. I told them, ‘Don’t cover the handcuffs.’ As I was being brought out of the room, I shouted repeatedly ‘Free the 43!’” Oliveros said. “The people looked at us. They have probably seen my picture at the posters outside the hospital,” she said.
“Why would I be ashamed? I told them I am not ashamed of what I’m doing. We, the 43, are not criminals,” Oliveros explained. She was accompanied by Fr. Dionito Cabillas of Samahan ng Ex-Detainees Laban sa Detensyon at Para sa Amnestiya (Selda) and a staff of the Health Alliance for Democracy (Head) back to Camp Bagong Diwa. Oliveros noted that the BJMP had used three vehicles to fetch her.
In a separate interview, Oliveros’s mother Sheila expressed disgust at the BJMP personnel. “They told me to arrange the hospital billing but when I came back to the room, Judilyn and my grandson were gone. They took them away and I did not even get a chance to talk to my daughter,” she said.
Oliveros said that before the vehicle sped away, she saw her mother outside the hospital lobby, crying. “I was crying, too. I knew that she felt bad that I was treated like a criminal,” Oliveros said as she fought back tears.
At the Detention Cell
Determined to breastfeed her three-week-old baby, Oliveros brought her child to the detention cell she shares with 22 other women detainees, all members of the Morong 43.
The cell was damp, overcrowded and poorly ventilated. Oliveros said there were bed mites and a big rat in their room.
She said the BJMP promised to provide her baby a separate wooden bed, but it never came.
“On our first night here, my baby found it hard to sleep. The next few days have been slightly better,” she said, adding that her colleagues help her take care of the baby. “They all wanted to kiss him and hold him. Later, we agreed that a maximum of three women may hold him for a day,” Oliveros said.
She said the jail warden told her that after a week, they would take the baby out of the detention cell. “They told me to give him to my mother or else, they would give my baby to the DSWD [Department of Social Welfare and Development],” Oliveros said.
Additional Injustice
“This is an additional injustice to Judilyn. As much like being illegally arrested and detained, being pregnant while in prison is an additional suffering and sacrifice on her part. She was not spared from psychological and physical torture in the hands of the military,” the Morong 43 said in a statement released to the media.
“After being blindfolded and handcuffed for 36 hours, she was placed under solitary confinement. In her cell, she had been interrogated anytime at night or day by one or more military men. She was also threatened to be electrocuted when she joined our protest action against the military who forcibly took or ‘kidnapped’ our five companions from their cells in Camp Capinpin, Tanay, Rizal,” the Morong 43 statement read. “Need Judilyn and baby have to suffer more? Is justice and humaneness elusive again as in the era of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo?”?
“It is cruel and deplorable,” said Gabriela Women’s Party Representative Luz Ilagan.
“Camp Bagong Diwa is no place to rear a child, much less a baby. Jails are not safe and healthy places for infants,” she said. To subject a newborn to these unhealthy conditions is downright heartless. Judilyn Oliveros should be allowed to care and breastfeed her baby outside of Camp Bagong Diwa,” said?Ilagan.
The congresswoman further said that the court’s decision violates the baby’s right to be fed, to be raised and to develop in a healthy and normal environment and in conditions of freedom and dignity, in accordance with the United Nations’ Declaration on the Rights of the Child.
Continuing Protests
The women of Morong 43 held a noise barrage the day after Oliveros was transferred to the BJMP. On Aug. 19, no visitors were allowed inside as a “disciplinary measure against the Morong 43 women,” according to the BJMP personnel.
“We are outraged at the prison official’s drastic and inhumane response to the female detainees’ peaceful expression of discontent. They did not violate any prison policy and thus did not deserve such maltreatment,” Carlos Montemayor, spokesperson of the Free the 43 Health Workers! Alliance, said.
“Prison officials should also be reminded that under Republic Act 7438, every arrested or detained person shall be allowed visits or conferences with any member of his/her immediate family, among other individuals and institutions,” said Cristina Palabay of Tanggol Bai, an association of women human-rights defenders.
“This manifests the worse injustices being experienced by Oliveros and child, as well as the rest of the Morong 43, who are already victims of illegal arrests, torture and detention. Justice remains elusive for the doctors and community-based health workers, even pregnant and nursing mothers like Oliveros. Such is the deplorable state of the more than 400 political prisoners in the country, many of them were illegally arrested and imprisoned under the Macapagal-Arroyo administration,” Cabillas of Selda said.
Appeal
Ilagan said the court’s decision is ‘an injustice to Judilyn and her baby and should immediately be reconsidered.’
The counsels of the Morong 43 have filed a motion for reconsideration.
Oliveros said Commission on Human Rights (CHR) Commissioner Ma. Victoria Cardona and CHR lawyers visited them on Aug. 20. “They told me they would support our appeal to the court for my temporary release,” she said.?
“We call on Pres. Aquino to exercise prudence and understanding on the plight of political prisoners as his late father, Senator Benigno Aquino, was himself a victim of political persecution under the Marcos administration. Free the 43 health workers; free all political prisoners,” the Morong 43 said.
Ilagan pressed for the immediate dismissal of cases lodged against the 43 health workers. She said “The cases filed against the health workers were fabricated and their arrest was clearly illegal. Every day that they remain in detention is a testament of injustice.” (Bulatlat.com) [1]
Morong 43′s New Mom Asserts Her Rights and That of Her Child
Showing posts with label Noynoy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Noynoy. Show all posts
Monday, August 23, 2010
Sa kabila ng pagkakapiit ng Morong 43: Manggagawang pangkalusugan tuloy sa paglilingkod
By Darius Galang
Hindi natatakot ang mga panggagawang pangkalusugan sa bansa na maglingkod sa mga maralita sa kabila ng pagdukot at pagpapahirap ng militar ang tinaguriang “Morong 43.”
Ito ang napatunayan ng Council for Health and Development (CHD) matapos matagumpay na nakapaglunsad ang organisasyon ng kanilang ika-10 General Assembly of Community-Based Health Programs (CHBP) in the Philippines.
Bitbit ang temang “Reaffirm Our Commitment To Serve People Amidst Intensifying Repression And Worsening Economic Crisis,” nagtipon ang mga manggagawang pangkalusugan mula sa iba’t ibang panig ng bansa upang ipagtibay ang pagbibigay ng serbisyo sa mga mahihirap na komunidad.
“Despite the odds, community-based health programs staff and CHWs hold on to their commitment to serve the poor and put people’s interests above self,” saad ni Sr. Edit Eslopor, OSB, tagapangulo ng Board of Trustees ng CHD.
Dumalo sa pagtitipon ang mga delegado mula sa Bikol, Timog Katagalugan, Gitnang Luzon, National Capital Region, Hilaga, gitna at Kanlurang Visayas, Hilagang Mindanaw, Caraga, Socksargen at Zamboanga Peninsula.
Kasama sa kanilang ipinaglalaban ngayon ang pagpapalaya at pagbibigay hustisya sa tinaguriang “Morong 43” na kapwa nila manggagawang pangkalusugan na dinukot noong Pebrero, tinortyur at patuloy na ikinukulong ng militar at pulisya.
“What happened to the ‘Morong 43′ may have sowed fear among our CHWs and CBHP staff, but it is only temporary,” banggit ni Eslopor.
Dagdag niya na mula pa noong 1973 dinanas na ng mga CBHP ang iba’t ibang balakid ngunit patuloy ang pangangailangan sa kanilang serbisyo dahil sa palalang kondisyon ng serbisyo medikal at kakulangan ng batayang serbisyong panlipunan, laluna sa mga komunidad sa kanayunan.
Samantala, tumungo ang mga pamilya’t tagasuporta ng Morong 43 sa Kongreso upang dumulog ng dagdag tulong mula sa mga mambabatas. Umaasa silang ang oversight functions ng Kongreso makikita kung ano ang constitutional rights ng Morong 43 na nilabag ng iba’t ibang puwersa ng estado at ng nakaraang administrasyong Arroyo.
Nagbigay rin ang mga kaanak at tagasuporta ng mga puting rosas at liham ng apela kay Quezon Rep. Lorenzo Tañada III para sa suporta sa pag-usad ng kaso ng Morong 43.
Pinamunuan ng CHD at Community Medicine Development Foundation o COMMED ang health skills training na isinagawa sa Morong, Rizal noong Pebrero nang salakayin militar ang kanilang pagtitipon. Umabot sa 43 manggagawang pangkalusugan ang ilegal na inaresto ng mga elemento ng Philippine Army at Philippine National Police, tinortyur, pinagkaitan ng kanilang mga karapatan at patuloy na idiniditine hanggang ngayon.
Sa kabila ng pagkakapiit ng Morong 43: Manggagawang pangkalusugan tuloy sa paglilingkod
Hindi natatakot ang mga panggagawang pangkalusugan sa bansa na maglingkod sa mga maralita sa kabila ng pagdukot at pagpapahirap ng militar ang tinaguriang “Morong 43.”
Ito ang napatunayan ng Council for Health and Development (CHD) matapos matagumpay na nakapaglunsad ang organisasyon ng kanilang ika-10 General Assembly of Community-Based Health Programs (CHBP) in the Philippines.
Bitbit ang temang “Reaffirm Our Commitment To Serve People Amidst Intensifying Repression And Worsening Economic Crisis,” nagtipon ang mga manggagawang pangkalusugan mula sa iba’t ibang panig ng bansa upang ipagtibay ang pagbibigay ng serbisyo sa mga mahihirap na komunidad.
“Despite the odds, community-based health programs staff and CHWs hold on to their commitment to serve the poor and put people’s interests above self,” saad ni Sr. Edit Eslopor, OSB, tagapangulo ng Board of Trustees ng CHD.
Dumalo sa pagtitipon ang mga delegado mula sa Bikol, Timog Katagalugan, Gitnang Luzon, National Capital Region, Hilaga, gitna at Kanlurang Visayas, Hilagang Mindanaw, Caraga, Socksargen at Zamboanga Peninsula.
Kasama sa kanilang ipinaglalaban ngayon ang pagpapalaya at pagbibigay hustisya sa tinaguriang “Morong 43” na kapwa nila manggagawang pangkalusugan na dinukot noong Pebrero, tinortyur at patuloy na ikinukulong ng militar at pulisya.
“What happened to the ‘Morong 43′ may have sowed fear among our CHWs and CBHP staff, but it is only temporary,” banggit ni Eslopor.
Dagdag niya na mula pa noong 1973 dinanas na ng mga CBHP ang iba’t ibang balakid ngunit patuloy ang pangangailangan sa kanilang serbisyo dahil sa palalang kondisyon ng serbisyo medikal at kakulangan ng batayang serbisyong panlipunan, laluna sa mga komunidad sa kanayunan.
Samantala, tumungo ang mga pamilya’t tagasuporta ng Morong 43 sa Kongreso upang dumulog ng dagdag tulong mula sa mga mambabatas. Umaasa silang ang oversight functions ng Kongreso makikita kung ano ang constitutional rights ng Morong 43 na nilabag ng iba’t ibang puwersa ng estado at ng nakaraang administrasyong Arroyo.
Nagbigay rin ang mga kaanak at tagasuporta ng mga puting rosas at liham ng apela kay Quezon Rep. Lorenzo Tañada III para sa suporta sa pag-usad ng kaso ng Morong 43.
Pinamunuan ng CHD at Community Medicine Development Foundation o COMMED ang health skills training na isinagawa sa Morong, Rizal noong Pebrero nang salakayin militar ang kanilang pagtitipon. Umabot sa 43 manggagawang pangkalusugan ang ilegal na inaresto ng mga elemento ng Philippine Army at Philippine National Police, tinortyur, pinagkaitan ng kanilang mga karapatan at patuloy na idiniditine hanggang ngayon.
Sa kabila ng pagkakapiit ng Morong 43: Manggagawang pangkalusugan tuloy sa paglilingkod
Tuesday, August 17, 2010
All Eyes Today on SC as Farm Workers, Cojuangco-Aquinos Battle Over Luisita
Lawmaker says Supreme Court itself will be on trial. “The Hacienda Luisita land dispute is the first acid test of the Supreme Court under the Aquino administration. The Cojuangco-Aquinos have put the Supreme Court on trial here,” says Anakpawis Rep. Rafael Mariano.
By RONALYN V. OLEA
Bulatlat.com
MANILA — Farm workers belonging to Alyansa ng Manggagawang Bukid sa Hacienda Luisita (Ambala) will troop today to the Supreme Court to reiterate their demand to revoke the stock distribution option (SDO) and distribute Hacienda Luisita, the sugar estate owned by President Benigno S. Aquino III and his family.
The SC will hold today oral arguments on the petition for certiorari filed by the Hacienda Luisita Inc. (HLI) management against the 2005 resolution of the Presidential Agrarian Reform Council (PARC) and Department of Agrarian Reform revoking the SDO and ordering the distribution of land to the farm workers.
Today’s oral arguments is the “first agrarian dispute to be heard by justices in open court and involves the President’s landlord clan,” said Anakpawis Rep. Rafael Mariano. “We call on the Supreme Court justices to put an end to the historical injustice suffered by landless farmers and farm workers of Hacienda Luisita at the hands of the Cojuangcos.”
To evade land distribution, HLI in 1989 implemented the SDO as one of the non-land transfer schemes stated in the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law (CARL).
In its resolution, the PARC said that the policy of “no-work no-shares” – workers who supposedly co-own the hacienda do not earn shares if they do not work — is contrary to law and public policy. It also said the setup under the 1989 memorandum of agreement is one-sided in favor of the HLI and that the farm workers remain ordinary farmers and the land remain under the full ownership and control HLI. It concluded that the farm workers’ economic conditions become onerous, their lives becoming more miserable.
According to the guidelines released by the high court, the oral arguments will focus on the following:
* Whether or not PARC has jurisdiction, power and/or authority to revoke the 1989 SDO agreement, and whether the council, in 2006, followed due process in ordering the revocation of the agreement;
* Whether or not there is a legal basis to revoke the SDO agreement;
* Whether the DAR and PARC are the real parties-in-interest in the case;
* “Whether or not the rights, obligations, and remedies of the parties to the SDOA are now governed by the Corporation Code and not by the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law;” and
* “Whether Luisita Industrial Park Corporation (LIPCO) and Rizal Commercial Banking Corporation (RCBC), as transferees of a portion of Hacienda Luisita, may invoke the doctrine of innocent purchaser for value in the instant case.”
But Gleoresty Guerra, assistant chief of the Supreme Court public information office, said the oral arguments may also discuss the controversial compromise deal hatched by HLI management on Aug. 6. The HLI management and persons claiming to be representatives of the farm workers signed a compromise agreement. The so-called deal purportedly offers two options: SDO or land, and the HLI management claimed that the farm workers voted for SDO, the same scheme that led to the death of seven striking farm workers in the 2004 massacre.
“Even if it (compromise agreement) is not mentioned in the guidelines, there is no prohibition (against it being tackled),” Guerra told reporters on Tuesday.
Mariano said the Supreme Court will also be put “on trial” on the controversial agrarian dispute involving the HLI.
“The Hacienda Luisita land dispute is the first acid test of the Supreme Court under the Aquino administration. The Cojuangco-Aquinos have put the Supreme Court on trial here,” Mariano said.
“The world is watching how the Supreme Court will handle the Luisita case,” Mariano added. “Will it allow itself to be an accessory to the crime of the Cojuangco-Aquinos, circumvention of the law, and foul play? Or will it act as the people’s sentinel over rights and welfare, and the very essence of social justice?”
Mariano, also chairman of the Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP), said that the “strongest argument of farmers against the SDO is that it was used by the Cojuangco-Aquinos to evade land distribution.” With the sham deal, the President’s relatives are deceiving the farmers for the second time around,” Mariano said.
“The Cojuangco-Aquinos’ aim is to prevent our big chance of winning at the Supreme Court. The agreement is a desperate measure to preempt or influence the Supreme Court in its decision,” Lito Bais, acting president of the United Luisita Workers Union (Ulwu), said in an open letter addressed to his colleagues.
“It is scandalous how the Cojuangco-Aquinos lord over on the land that should have been ours since 1967 and again in 1985. They pocketed billions of profit from land use conversion which is prohibited under CARL,” Bais said.
In 1985, a Manila trial court ordered the distribution of Hacienda Luisita land to the farm workers. When Corazon Cojuangco-Aquino became president, the case was dismissed by the Court of Appeals (CA).
Jobert Ilarde Pahilga, Ambala legal counsel and executive trustee of the Sentro Para sa Tunay na Repormang Agraryo (Sentra), said that the SDO is unconstitutional. “The law states that land, not pieces of paper, must be distributed to the farmers,” he said in an earlier interview with Bulatlat.
“The Cojuangco-Aquinos will not succeed in their schemes. No matter how long it takes, we will never give up the fight because we are the legal and legitimate owners of the Hacienda Luisita land,” Bais told his co-farm workers.
Aquino’s “hands-off policy” was also criticized by Bais. “Those who voted for Noynoy [Aquino] are disgusted for he has not shown any semblance of good will and fulfill his promise. Now, the true colors of a president raised from the sweat of the toiling farm workers are exposed. He is mum and just waiting, hoping that the scheme of his relatives would succeed.” (Bulatlat.com)
By RONALYN V. OLEA
Bulatlat.com
MANILA — Farm workers belonging to Alyansa ng Manggagawang Bukid sa Hacienda Luisita (Ambala) will troop today to the Supreme Court to reiterate their demand to revoke the stock distribution option (SDO) and distribute Hacienda Luisita, the sugar estate owned by President Benigno S. Aquino III and his family.
The SC will hold today oral arguments on the petition for certiorari filed by the Hacienda Luisita Inc. (HLI) management against the 2005 resolution of the Presidential Agrarian Reform Council (PARC) and Department of Agrarian Reform revoking the SDO and ordering the distribution of land to the farm workers.
Today’s oral arguments is the “first agrarian dispute to be heard by justices in open court and involves the President’s landlord clan,” said Anakpawis Rep. Rafael Mariano. “We call on the Supreme Court justices to put an end to the historical injustice suffered by landless farmers and farm workers of Hacienda Luisita at the hands of the Cojuangcos.”
To evade land distribution, HLI in 1989 implemented the SDO as one of the non-land transfer schemes stated in the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law (CARL).
In its resolution, the PARC said that the policy of “no-work no-shares” – workers who supposedly co-own the hacienda do not earn shares if they do not work — is contrary to law and public policy. It also said the setup under the 1989 memorandum of agreement is one-sided in favor of the HLI and that the farm workers remain ordinary farmers and the land remain under the full ownership and control HLI. It concluded that the farm workers’ economic conditions become onerous, their lives becoming more miserable.
According to the guidelines released by the high court, the oral arguments will focus on the following:
* Whether or not PARC has jurisdiction, power and/or authority to revoke the 1989 SDO agreement, and whether the council, in 2006, followed due process in ordering the revocation of the agreement;
* Whether or not there is a legal basis to revoke the SDO agreement;
* Whether the DAR and PARC are the real parties-in-interest in the case;
* “Whether or not the rights, obligations, and remedies of the parties to the SDOA are now governed by the Corporation Code and not by the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law;” and
* “Whether Luisita Industrial Park Corporation (LIPCO) and Rizal Commercial Banking Corporation (RCBC), as transferees of a portion of Hacienda Luisita, may invoke the doctrine of innocent purchaser for value in the instant case.”
But Gleoresty Guerra, assistant chief of the Supreme Court public information office, said the oral arguments may also discuss the controversial compromise deal hatched by HLI management on Aug. 6. The HLI management and persons claiming to be representatives of the farm workers signed a compromise agreement. The so-called deal purportedly offers two options: SDO or land, and the HLI management claimed that the farm workers voted for SDO, the same scheme that led to the death of seven striking farm workers in the 2004 massacre.
“Even if it (compromise agreement) is not mentioned in the guidelines, there is no prohibition (against it being tackled),” Guerra told reporters on Tuesday.
Mariano said the Supreme Court will also be put “on trial” on the controversial agrarian dispute involving the HLI.
“The Hacienda Luisita land dispute is the first acid test of the Supreme Court under the Aquino administration. The Cojuangco-Aquinos have put the Supreme Court on trial here,” Mariano said.
“The world is watching how the Supreme Court will handle the Luisita case,” Mariano added. “Will it allow itself to be an accessory to the crime of the Cojuangco-Aquinos, circumvention of the law, and foul play? Or will it act as the people’s sentinel over rights and welfare, and the very essence of social justice?”
Mariano, also chairman of the Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP), said that the “strongest argument of farmers against the SDO is that it was used by the Cojuangco-Aquinos to evade land distribution.” With the sham deal, the President’s relatives are deceiving the farmers for the second time around,” Mariano said.
“The Cojuangco-Aquinos’ aim is to prevent our big chance of winning at the Supreme Court. The agreement is a desperate measure to preempt or influence the Supreme Court in its decision,” Lito Bais, acting president of the United Luisita Workers Union (Ulwu), said in an open letter addressed to his colleagues.
“It is scandalous how the Cojuangco-Aquinos lord over on the land that should have been ours since 1967 and again in 1985. They pocketed billions of profit from land use conversion which is prohibited under CARL,” Bais said.
In 1985, a Manila trial court ordered the distribution of Hacienda Luisita land to the farm workers. When Corazon Cojuangco-Aquino became president, the case was dismissed by the Court of Appeals (CA).
Jobert Ilarde Pahilga, Ambala legal counsel and executive trustee of the Sentro Para sa Tunay na Repormang Agraryo (Sentra), said that the SDO is unconstitutional. “The law states that land, not pieces of paper, must be distributed to the farmers,” he said in an earlier interview with Bulatlat.
“The Cojuangco-Aquinos will not succeed in their schemes. No matter how long it takes, we will never give up the fight because we are the legal and legitimate owners of the Hacienda Luisita land,” Bais told his co-farm workers.
Aquino’s “hands-off policy” was also criticized by Bais. “Those who voted for Noynoy [Aquino] are disgusted for he has not shown any semblance of good will and fulfill his promise. Now, the true colors of a president raised from the sweat of the toiling farm workers are exposed. He is mum and just waiting, hoping that the scheme of his relatives would succeed.” (Bulatlat.com)
Monday, August 16, 2010
Bukas na ang Interactive Website ng Pangulo sa Taong-bayan
Bukas na ang Interactive Website ng Pangulo sa Taong-bayan
Binuksan na ng Malakanyang ang isang bagong interactive website na magbibigay ng pagka-kataon sa taong bayan na malaman ang official events ng Pangulong Benigno S. Aquino III at upang magsilbi ring makabuluhang feedback mechanism na gamit ang digital media.
Inilunsad ni Presidential Communications Operations Office (PCOO) Secretary Herminio “Sonny” Coloma ang opisyal na website ng Palasyo na “www.president.gov.ph” sa media briefing sa Malakanyang noong Lunes, ika-16 ng Agosto.
Sa paglulunsad na ito, sinabi ni Coloma na ang Phase I ng bagong media communications ng Malakanyang ay nagtatampok ng tatlong mahalagang pahayag: “Piliin Natin ang Daang Matuwid; “Kayo ang BOSS Ko,” at “Iba na tayo ngayon BAGONG Pilipinas.
Ayon kay Coloma, ang unang pahayag ay kumakatawan sa pangako ng sambayanan na susundin ang bagong daang itinakda ng Pangulo, samantalang ang ikalawa naman ay naglala-rawan ng pansariling pangako ng Pangulo na kanyang inihayag sa kauna-unahan niyang Ulat sa Bayan o SONA noong Hulyo 26.
Ang ikatlong pahayag na “Iba na tayo ngayon, Bagong Piliipinas” ang kumakatawan sa pangako ng pambansang liderato tungo sa pagbabalik ng tiwala sa gobyerno, pagsugpo sa katiwalian at pagpasok sa isang bagong panahon ng isang bagong kultura ng pamamahala.
Bukod sa matutunghayang mga pinakabagong balita, larawan at video releases, sinabi ni Coloma na maaari ring ihayag ng taong bayan ang kanilang kuru-kuro at hinakdal sa tulong ng social media links na gaya ng Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, Friendster at Multiply na madaling masasagot o magagawaan ng karampatang hakbang ng kinauukulang mga ahensiya ng gobyerno.
Idinagdag ni Coloma na ang Phase II ay sa Oktubre ng taong ito bubuksan at ito ay ang Citizen’s Concern Website na para naman sa messaging, electronic mail (email), telepono at Snail Mail para magkaroon ng iba’t-ibang paraan ang publiko sa pakikipag-ugnayan sa pamahalaan.
Idinagdag ni Coloma na ang Phase II ay magiging isang malawakang pag-alam ng damda-ming bayan, pagsusuri sa hinaing at mga isyu at maging pagsubaybay sa ginagawang hakbang ng iba-ibang tanggapan at ahensiya ng pamahalaan.
Hiningan pa ng tulong ni Coloma ang mga kompanya ng telekomunikasyon (TelCos) bilang bahagi ng kanilang saguting panlipunan ukol sa higit na makatuwirang halaga sa paggamit nito upang higit na maraming mamamayan ang mahimok makiisa sa feedback mechanism na gaya ng SMS o text messaging.
Ang Phase III naman, ayon kay Coloma, ay sa Enero 2011 pa bubuksan at siyang magpapa-tupad ng e-serbisyo na digitally-enabled frontline services na ginagawa sa iba-ibang transak-siyon ng gobyerno upang madaling makakuha ang taong bayan ng clearances, sertipiko, pasaporte at iba pang kauri nitong mga bagay.
Ang Digital Volunteerism ay makabayang grupo o digitally empowered advocates.
Umaasa ang Kalihim na sa Phase III ay maaaring magrehistro at makiisa ang mga volunteer groups sa website upang makita ang kaibahan ng karaniwang grupong boluntaryo at digital volunteers groups.
Idinagdag ni Coloma na sa ika-2 SONA ng Pangulo sa Hulyo 2011, maibubukas na sa publiko ang Phase IV o Open Government portal kung saan ang taong bayan ay maaaring tumingin at umalam kung ano na ang nagawa ng gobyerno at kung ano pa ang ginagawa ng bawa’t kaga-waran na gaya ng paglalabas ng badyet, ilang porsiyento na ang tapos ng mga proyekto at mga programa at iba pang bagay na ibubukas sa madla para matiyak na nasa ayos ang lahat ng transaksiyon ng pamahalaan.
Binuksan na ng Malakanyang ang isang bagong interactive website na magbibigay ng pagka-kataon sa taong bayan na malaman ang official events ng Pangulong Benigno S. Aquino III at upang magsilbi ring makabuluhang feedback mechanism na gamit ang digital media.
Inilunsad ni Presidential Communications Operations Office (PCOO) Secretary Herminio “Sonny” Coloma ang opisyal na website ng Palasyo na “www.president.gov.ph” sa media briefing sa Malakanyang noong Lunes, ika-16 ng Agosto.
Sa paglulunsad na ito, sinabi ni Coloma na ang Phase I ng bagong media communications ng Malakanyang ay nagtatampok ng tatlong mahalagang pahayag: “Piliin Natin ang Daang Matuwid; “Kayo ang BOSS Ko,” at “Iba na tayo ngayon BAGONG Pilipinas.
Ayon kay Coloma, ang unang pahayag ay kumakatawan sa pangako ng sambayanan na susundin ang bagong daang itinakda ng Pangulo, samantalang ang ikalawa naman ay naglala-rawan ng pansariling pangako ng Pangulo na kanyang inihayag sa kauna-unahan niyang Ulat sa Bayan o SONA noong Hulyo 26.
Ang ikatlong pahayag na “Iba na tayo ngayon, Bagong Piliipinas” ang kumakatawan sa pangako ng pambansang liderato tungo sa pagbabalik ng tiwala sa gobyerno, pagsugpo sa katiwalian at pagpasok sa isang bagong panahon ng isang bagong kultura ng pamamahala.
Bukod sa matutunghayang mga pinakabagong balita, larawan at video releases, sinabi ni Coloma na maaari ring ihayag ng taong bayan ang kanilang kuru-kuro at hinakdal sa tulong ng social media links na gaya ng Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, Friendster at Multiply na madaling masasagot o magagawaan ng karampatang hakbang ng kinauukulang mga ahensiya ng gobyerno.
Idinagdag ni Coloma na ang Phase II ay sa Oktubre ng taong ito bubuksan at ito ay ang Citizen’s Concern Website na para naman sa messaging, electronic mail (email), telepono at Snail Mail para magkaroon ng iba’t-ibang paraan ang publiko sa pakikipag-ugnayan sa pamahalaan.
Idinagdag ni Coloma na ang Phase II ay magiging isang malawakang pag-alam ng damda-ming bayan, pagsusuri sa hinaing at mga isyu at maging pagsubaybay sa ginagawang hakbang ng iba-ibang tanggapan at ahensiya ng pamahalaan.
Hiningan pa ng tulong ni Coloma ang mga kompanya ng telekomunikasyon (TelCos) bilang bahagi ng kanilang saguting panlipunan ukol sa higit na makatuwirang halaga sa paggamit nito upang higit na maraming mamamayan ang mahimok makiisa sa feedback mechanism na gaya ng SMS o text messaging.
Ang Phase III naman, ayon kay Coloma, ay sa Enero 2011 pa bubuksan at siyang magpapa-tupad ng e-serbisyo na digitally-enabled frontline services na ginagawa sa iba-ibang transak-siyon ng gobyerno upang madaling makakuha ang taong bayan ng clearances, sertipiko, pasaporte at iba pang kauri nitong mga bagay.
Ang Digital Volunteerism ay makabayang grupo o digitally empowered advocates.
Umaasa ang Kalihim na sa Phase III ay maaaring magrehistro at makiisa ang mga volunteer groups sa website upang makita ang kaibahan ng karaniwang grupong boluntaryo at digital volunteers groups.
Idinagdag ni Coloma na sa ika-2 SONA ng Pangulo sa Hulyo 2011, maibubukas na sa publiko ang Phase IV o Open Government portal kung saan ang taong bayan ay maaaring tumingin at umalam kung ano na ang nagawa ng gobyerno at kung ano pa ang ginagawa ng bawa’t kaga-waran na gaya ng paglalabas ng badyet, ilang porsiyento na ang tapos ng mga proyekto at mga programa at iba pang bagay na ibubukas sa madla para matiyak na nasa ayos ang lahat ng transaksiyon ng pamahalaan.
Sunday, August 15, 2010
Under Aquino III: Promoting Ties of Dependency with the U.S.?
Under Aquino III: Promoting Ties of Dependency with the U.S.?
By the Policy Study, Publication, and Advocacy
Center for People Empowerment in Governance (CenPEG)
August 14, 2010
Those who are watching the first 100 days of the new administration can now start focusing their lens on President Benigno S. Aquino III’s coming visit to the United States in September - his first major official foreign trip. The decision to make the U.S. as his maiden foreign destination is not only symbolic but will have far-reaching implications not only on foreign policy but also on the so-called special relationship between a former colony and a superpower. In the long run, it will have broad implications on the Filipino people.
Of course, the presidential spokesperson says Aquino III, together with other heads of state, is going to address the United Nations General Assembly when it convenes next month. The more important agenda, however, pertains to the event that will happen at the White House and other meetings with high U.S. officials. The new president will make a courtesy call to the world’s most powerful leader – a traditional ritual performed by the Philippines’ past presidents from Manuel Quezon to Ferdinand Marcos and until recently, Gloria M. Arroyo who made several visits to Washington, DC.
A meeting with the U.S. president will underscore the importance given by the Philippine government to “special ties” with a former colonial master. But these “special ties” have nothing to do with people-to-people friendly relations. These ties have been shaped largely by economic and military considerations that were proven to be inimical to the Filipino people’s sovereign and territorial rights even if being friendly with Uncle Sam guaranteed support for any sitting Philippine president.
In the post-World War II era official visits by Philippine presidents to the U.S. embodied the country’s commitments to onerous economic and defense agreements that laid the foundations of an unequal neo-colonial relationship between the two countries. Time was when the Philippines had to undergo economic reconstruction as a result of the destruction wrought by the war between the U.S. and Japan yet American rehabilitation funds were tied to extending parity rights to Americans, allowing the stay of U.S. military bases and supporting wars of aggression in Korea, Indochina, and elsewhere. Ferdinand E. Marcos was propped up by the U.S. as America’s spokesman in Southeast Asia when the U.S. needed a coalition of forces from the region to support its wars of aggression in Indochina. Marcos played the role of America’s mouthpiece so well that his dictatorship lasted long enough thanks to continued U.S. support. The Americans dumped him when he became a liability and built up Corazon C. Aquino as the “third force” for succession. As a president, Aquino backed the renewal of the U.S. military bases and unleashed a U.S.-inspired “total war” policy against rebels leading to more human rights violations.
Bush regime
During the Bush regime, Mrs. Arroyo paid several visits to Washington, DC where she also met Pentagon and Congress leaders. The numerous agreements that she forged – most of them confidential – led to the Philippines playing the role as America’s “second front” against terrorism thus paving the entry of U.S. forces and military installations in the guise of war exercises and special trainings. Since 2001 the increase of U.S. military aid and intervention led to the escalation of extra-judicial killings and other war crimes amid the intensification of Arroyo’s counter-insurgency campaign against the Left, whether armed or unarmed. Yet, despite the financial commitments made by the U.S. government Arroyo’s nine-year presidency saw the highest unemployment rate in 50 years, widening income disparities, corruption, election fraud, plunder, and political repression.
In late May this year when the results of the presidential race had yet to be completed the U.S. ambassador to Manila, Harry Thomas, Jr., was the first foreign envoy to congratulate Aquino III. Their talks at Times Street touched on continued U.S. support, special ties between the two countries, and an invitation for an early state visit by the president-apparent. The Times Street talks have been followed by high-level meetings with U.S. state department officials led by Secretary Hillary Clinton, a new military assistance package, an offer of a missiles and war aircraft sale, and port calls by warships from the U.S. Pacific Command (PACOM). This week, the U.S. Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) announced the release of $434 million to fund three projects in the Philippines for five years. The MCC board is chaired also by Clinton.
In reciprocity, Aquino III said he is looking forward to the U.S. visit with an upbeat expectation of bringing “gifts” back to the country.
America’s current interest
Begging an immediate answer is what America’s current interest is in the Aquino III presidency and what possible “commitments” are on the table to emphasize the two countries’ “historic ties.” The lingering economic recession, increasing unemployment, and budget cuts or streamlining in the U.S. raise questions how much economic or military assistance is left that can be given to the Philippines and other countries - and in exchange for what.
The recent visits of high U.S. officials in the Philippines signal a continuing interest in the country in the context of America’s geo-strategic interests in the region and the rest of the world. The underlying framework of these objectives is chiseled in U.S. President Barack Obama’s National Security Strategy (NSS, May 2010) and the U.S. military’s new counter-insurgency (COIN) guide of January 2009. Although both doctrines reiterate the need to maintain the superpower’s access to world resources especially oil and other energy materials, they also stress America’s right to pre-emptive and unilateral strikes against “terrorism,” rogue regimes, and emerging powers, such as China, seeking to challenge the U.S.’ global power.
Recently, Obama secretly deployed new special operations forces (SOFs) to the Philippines and 69 other countries. The deployment is in line with the NSS and the new COIN which essentially continues U.S. counter-insurgency programs in as many countries especially in “failed (or weak) states” and in partnership with host governments and their armies. COIN, however, gives equal emphasis on the use of civilian components such as humanitarian missions; engaging NGOs, civil society, and diaspora communities; and an increasing role of the USAID and other agencies to promote “governance, transparency, the rule of law, and anti-corruption”. Not that both papers believe in democracy per se but they see the imperative of maintaining political stability and the elimination of “rogue enemies” as vital to U.S. imperial global interests.
Under Arroyo, the U.S. succeeded in inserting its forces and military outposts in the Philippines particularly in Basilan, Sulu, Tawi-Tawi, and Zamboanga. The U.S. claims that the Philippines, particularly Mindanao, is part of the “arch of instability” in Southeast Asia and the rest of East Asia where America’s strategic oil and other commodities pass through the South China Sea. China’s irredentist claim over the sea is now being contested by the U.S. which considers it as an “open territory”.
Consistent
There is no question that Aquino III will remain consistent with the traditional support for U.S. military presence in the country and the whole region. Likewise, he has made it clear that he supports the controversial Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) and has continued the Mrs. Arroyo’s U.S.-backed counter-insurgency campaign despite the fact that it has led to the killing of activists and other atrocities.
Influential rightist think tanks in the U.S., particularly the Heritage Foundation, are pressing Obama to continue supporting the AFP’s modernization program with bigger funds. The modernization assistance is being geared toward upgrading the Philippines’ territorial defense especially over the Spratly islands which are claimed by China and other countries.
An increased defense alliance with the U.S. leading to a quiet escalation of its military presence will make the Philippines a pawn in the Pentagon’s plan of containment and encirclement of China. If Aquino III makes the mistake of succumbing to this pressure, he runs the risk of antagonizing Beijing’s trade ties with Manila and its growing investments in mining, electronics, and other industries. It could provoke retaliation from China in the disputed Spratly islands.
The U.S. government’s strategic military operations in the Philippines in the guise of fighting terrorism are driven by America’s war industries that are supported by big defense spending in the midst of recession. In the U.S. recession the only prospects of recovery and employment are provided by Boeing, and other corporations involved in the war industry. The presence of U.S. forces in the Philippines and elsewhere in the world has been profitable to engineering, construction, electronics, aircraft, shipping, and other war manufacturing corporations in the U.S. Globally, U.S. forces and installations along with wars of intervention that are raging in Afghanistan, Iraq, and other flashpoints help sustain the powerful military-industrial complex in the U.S.
When Aquino III goes to Washington, DC his commitment of support for continued U.S. military operations in the Philippines will also be a tacit promotion of the war industries that market weapons of mass destruction and wars of intervention in the world. Such pledge of support is expected to reap financial and military assistance for the new administration but it will also bind Aquino III – like past Philippine presidents - to a master-slave relationship.
The Philippine government’s exclusivist ties with America have continually jeopardized not only potentially productive ties with other countries but also deepened the country’s neo-colonial, superior-subordinate bondage to its former colonial master. In fact, the continued U.S. influence in the Philippine presidency has deprived the Filipino people of their sovereign right to self-determination, to non-intervention by a foreign country, while bitter economic pills are imposed by U.S.-influenced multilateral agencies. This relationship also helps sustain U.S. meddling in counter-insurgency operations turning the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) into a surrogate army of the Pentagon and a power broker of sorts insofar as the Philippine presidency is concerned.
Aquino III the presidential contender had promised change in the system of governance. What is unfolding as far as dealing with the U.S. is concerned may exactly be the opposite.
There is thus a compelling reason for patriotic forces in the Philippines, including progressive elements in Congress, to call for the abrogation of the VFA and other onerous agreements with the U.S. and an end to U.S. military presence. The overarching imperative is to work for an independent Philippine foreign policy as an important element of governance.
By the Policy Study, Publication, and Advocacy
Center for People Empowerment in Governance (CenPEG)
August 14, 2010
Those who are watching the first 100 days of the new administration can now start focusing their lens on President Benigno S. Aquino III’s coming visit to the United States in September - his first major official foreign trip. The decision to make the U.S. as his maiden foreign destination is not only symbolic but will have far-reaching implications not only on foreign policy but also on the so-called special relationship between a former colony and a superpower. In the long run, it will have broad implications on the Filipino people.
Of course, the presidential spokesperson says Aquino III, together with other heads of state, is going to address the United Nations General Assembly when it convenes next month. The more important agenda, however, pertains to the event that will happen at the White House and other meetings with high U.S. officials. The new president will make a courtesy call to the world’s most powerful leader – a traditional ritual performed by the Philippines’ past presidents from Manuel Quezon to Ferdinand Marcos and until recently, Gloria M. Arroyo who made several visits to Washington, DC.
A meeting with the U.S. president will underscore the importance given by the Philippine government to “special ties” with a former colonial master. But these “special ties” have nothing to do with people-to-people friendly relations. These ties have been shaped largely by economic and military considerations that were proven to be inimical to the Filipino people’s sovereign and territorial rights even if being friendly with Uncle Sam guaranteed support for any sitting Philippine president.
In the post-World War II era official visits by Philippine presidents to the U.S. embodied the country’s commitments to onerous economic and defense agreements that laid the foundations of an unequal neo-colonial relationship between the two countries. Time was when the Philippines had to undergo economic reconstruction as a result of the destruction wrought by the war between the U.S. and Japan yet American rehabilitation funds were tied to extending parity rights to Americans, allowing the stay of U.S. military bases and supporting wars of aggression in Korea, Indochina, and elsewhere. Ferdinand E. Marcos was propped up by the U.S. as America’s spokesman in Southeast Asia when the U.S. needed a coalition of forces from the region to support its wars of aggression in Indochina. Marcos played the role of America’s mouthpiece so well that his dictatorship lasted long enough thanks to continued U.S. support. The Americans dumped him when he became a liability and built up Corazon C. Aquino as the “third force” for succession. As a president, Aquino backed the renewal of the U.S. military bases and unleashed a U.S.-inspired “total war” policy against rebels leading to more human rights violations.
Bush regime
During the Bush regime, Mrs. Arroyo paid several visits to Washington, DC where she also met Pentagon and Congress leaders. The numerous agreements that she forged – most of them confidential – led to the Philippines playing the role as America’s “second front” against terrorism thus paving the entry of U.S. forces and military installations in the guise of war exercises and special trainings. Since 2001 the increase of U.S. military aid and intervention led to the escalation of extra-judicial killings and other war crimes amid the intensification of Arroyo’s counter-insurgency campaign against the Left, whether armed or unarmed. Yet, despite the financial commitments made by the U.S. government Arroyo’s nine-year presidency saw the highest unemployment rate in 50 years, widening income disparities, corruption, election fraud, plunder, and political repression.
In late May this year when the results of the presidential race had yet to be completed the U.S. ambassador to Manila, Harry Thomas, Jr., was the first foreign envoy to congratulate Aquino III. Their talks at Times Street touched on continued U.S. support, special ties between the two countries, and an invitation for an early state visit by the president-apparent. The Times Street talks have been followed by high-level meetings with U.S. state department officials led by Secretary Hillary Clinton, a new military assistance package, an offer of a missiles and war aircraft sale, and port calls by warships from the U.S. Pacific Command (PACOM). This week, the U.S. Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) announced the release of $434 million to fund three projects in the Philippines for five years. The MCC board is chaired also by Clinton.
In reciprocity, Aquino III said he is looking forward to the U.S. visit with an upbeat expectation of bringing “gifts” back to the country.
America’s current interest
Begging an immediate answer is what America’s current interest is in the Aquino III presidency and what possible “commitments” are on the table to emphasize the two countries’ “historic ties.” The lingering economic recession, increasing unemployment, and budget cuts or streamlining in the U.S. raise questions how much economic or military assistance is left that can be given to the Philippines and other countries - and in exchange for what.
The recent visits of high U.S. officials in the Philippines signal a continuing interest in the country in the context of America’s geo-strategic interests in the region and the rest of the world. The underlying framework of these objectives is chiseled in U.S. President Barack Obama’s National Security Strategy (NSS, May 2010) and the U.S. military’s new counter-insurgency (COIN) guide of January 2009. Although both doctrines reiterate the need to maintain the superpower’s access to world resources especially oil and other energy materials, they also stress America’s right to pre-emptive and unilateral strikes against “terrorism,” rogue regimes, and emerging powers, such as China, seeking to challenge the U.S.’ global power.
Recently, Obama secretly deployed new special operations forces (SOFs) to the Philippines and 69 other countries. The deployment is in line with the NSS and the new COIN which essentially continues U.S. counter-insurgency programs in as many countries especially in “failed (or weak) states” and in partnership with host governments and their armies. COIN, however, gives equal emphasis on the use of civilian components such as humanitarian missions; engaging NGOs, civil society, and diaspora communities; and an increasing role of the USAID and other agencies to promote “governance, transparency, the rule of law, and anti-corruption”. Not that both papers believe in democracy per se but they see the imperative of maintaining political stability and the elimination of “rogue enemies” as vital to U.S. imperial global interests.
Under Arroyo, the U.S. succeeded in inserting its forces and military outposts in the Philippines particularly in Basilan, Sulu, Tawi-Tawi, and Zamboanga. The U.S. claims that the Philippines, particularly Mindanao, is part of the “arch of instability” in Southeast Asia and the rest of East Asia where America’s strategic oil and other commodities pass through the South China Sea. China’s irredentist claim over the sea is now being contested by the U.S. which considers it as an “open territory”.
Consistent
There is no question that Aquino III will remain consistent with the traditional support for U.S. military presence in the country and the whole region. Likewise, he has made it clear that he supports the controversial Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) and has continued the Mrs. Arroyo’s U.S.-backed counter-insurgency campaign despite the fact that it has led to the killing of activists and other atrocities.
Influential rightist think tanks in the U.S., particularly the Heritage Foundation, are pressing Obama to continue supporting the AFP’s modernization program with bigger funds. The modernization assistance is being geared toward upgrading the Philippines’ territorial defense especially over the Spratly islands which are claimed by China and other countries.
An increased defense alliance with the U.S. leading to a quiet escalation of its military presence will make the Philippines a pawn in the Pentagon’s plan of containment and encirclement of China. If Aquino III makes the mistake of succumbing to this pressure, he runs the risk of antagonizing Beijing’s trade ties with Manila and its growing investments in mining, electronics, and other industries. It could provoke retaliation from China in the disputed Spratly islands.
The U.S. government’s strategic military operations in the Philippines in the guise of fighting terrorism are driven by America’s war industries that are supported by big defense spending in the midst of recession. In the U.S. recession the only prospects of recovery and employment are provided by Boeing, and other corporations involved in the war industry. The presence of U.S. forces in the Philippines and elsewhere in the world has been profitable to engineering, construction, electronics, aircraft, shipping, and other war manufacturing corporations in the U.S. Globally, U.S. forces and installations along with wars of intervention that are raging in Afghanistan, Iraq, and other flashpoints help sustain the powerful military-industrial complex in the U.S.
When Aquino III goes to Washington, DC his commitment of support for continued U.S. military operations in the Philippines will also be a tacit promotion of the war industries that market weapons of mass destruction and wars of intervention in the world. Such pledge of support is expected to reap financial and military assistance for the new administration but it will also bind Aquino III – like past Philippine presidents - to a master-slave relationship.
The Philippine government’s exclusivist ties with America have continually jeopardized not only potentially productive ties with other countries but also deepened the country’s neo-colonial, superior-subordinate bondage to its former colonial master. In fact, the continued U.S. influence in the Philippine presidency has deprived the Filipino people of their sovereign right to self-determination, to non-intervention by a foreign country, while bitter economic pills are imposed by U.S.-influenced multilateral agencies. This relationship also helps sustain U.S. meddling in counter-insurgency operations turning the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) into a surrogate army of the Pentagon and a power broker of sorts insofar as the Philippine presidency is concerned.
Aquino III the presidential contender had promised change in the system of governance. What is unfolding as far as dealing with the U.S. is concerned may exactly be the opposite.
There is thus a compelling reason for patriotic forces in the Philippines, including progressive elements in Congress, to call for the abrogation of the VFA and other onerous agreements with the U.S. and an end to U.S. military presence. The overarching imperative is to work for an independent Philippine foreign policy as an important element of governance.
Lawmakers hit P-Noy for SK abolition
Two youthful legislators today lambasted the proposal of President Benigno Simeon C. Aquino III to abolish the Sangguniang Kabataan (SK) elections for its failure to be functional and effective in the delivery of public services under the Local Government Code.
Rep. Raymond V. Palatino (Party-list, Kabataan) said the aim of the Sangguinang Kabataan is to encourage the youth to take active part in governance and to serve as an educational experience for them. It should contribute to the political education of the youth, Palatino said.
"We don't discourage students to join student councils since we believe these extra-curricular activities can improve the leadership skills of the youth. We should view SK in the same way. SK is even broader and better since it also involves out of school youth. If PNoy will insist this argument, will he also discourage students to stay away from campus politics?" Palatino argued.
Palatino said young people can become SK officers without abandoning their studies. "SK candidates should be aware that they need to balance their studies and SK work. There should be no conflict between education and SK work," Palatino said.
"If corruption is the issue here, then we should abolish barangays and other LGU units too. SK members can't access funds without approval of local officials. Abolishing SK does not eradicate corruption. If there are corrupt SK members, blame LGU leaders and even national leaders for being bad role models," Palatino stressed.
Palatino debunked statement that there are corrupt SK members. He said this is unfair to many SK officers who are performing their duties well and to many LGUs, which have successful partnerships with SK members. He believes that majority of SK members are not corrupt.
"Now there is a proposal to elect a single youth representative in the barangays. This proposal is inconsistent with the 2nd argument that youth should not be exposed to corruption at a young age. We don't want the SK to be contaminated with corruption but we can allow a single youth leader to take the risk of being seduced by corruption practices?" Palatino stressed.
Rep. Marcelino R. Teodoro (1st District, Marikina City) said the mandate of the Sangguniang Kabataan (SK) should be carefully reviewed but not totally abolished. Since there are instances of corruption as stated by the President, the system needs to be reviewed if not strengthened, Teodoro said.
Teodoro said instruments of corruption within the system can be abolished to dispel claims that SK is a breeding ground for corrupt officials.
"We should maintain a representative from the youth sector through the Sangguniang Kabataan less the budgeting, disbursement and procurement processes," Teodoro said.
Teodoro said it is not the SK that is corrupt but the system itself. The SK falls prey and is taken advantage of by unwieldy and unscrupulous contractors.
"The youth should play an important part in nation-building and should not be immediately dismissed without reviewing their mandate and finding ways to reform the SK system," Teodoro said.
Lawmakers hit P-Noy for SK abolition
Writer: Lorelei V. Castillo, MRS-PRIB
Transform SK into network vs corruption, misgovernance – Kabataan Partylist
Kabataan Partylist Representative Raymond Palatino today called on the government to “reorient” the Sangguniang Kabataan (SK) and transform it into a youth watchdog vs corruption and misgovernance amidst proposals to abolish the youth council.
“We should not put to waste this large network of young Filipinos who want to participate in government and community service. Why not tap the SK and launch a nationwide campaign against corruption and misgovernance, train the youth to be advocates of new politics from the barangay level up,” said Palatino.
Palatino said this will “invigorate” the SK and will help develop a new breed of leaders. He said that the young people just need “a little encouragement” and a “progressive framework.”
Palatino also assailed the proposal of Department of Interior and Local Government Secretary Jesse Robredo to abolish the SK and instead give one seat to a youth representative in the barangay council.
“Robredo’s proposal to abolish the youth council and instead have only one representative will weaken youth representation and will make them more vulnerable to the influence of traditional politics,” he said.
Palatino said Robredo’s proposal will kill the Katipunan ng mga Kabataan (KK), a transparency and accountability mechanism of the youth council.
“This will only make the young people in the barangays less involved in governance and community affairs. This proposal will worsen the problem we have today with SK: it has been coopted and is now becoming a breeding ground for trapos precisely because the SK is not empowered enough,” he adds.
Palatino said the government should not undermine the capability of the youth to lead. “We need a new breed of leaders if we want change, those who will stand for patriotic change and social justice,” said Palatino.
“The more the young people participate in governance, the more they will be able to expose corrupt acts, anti-people policies and become inspired to rake on the role for social change. This way, we can tap the youth for the change we want in our society.”
Palatino filed HB 1963 or SK Reform and Strengthening Bill last week aiming to improve and further empower the SK.
Rep. Raymond V. Palatino (Party-list, Kabataan) said the aim of the Sangguinang Kabataan is to encourage the youth to take active part in governance and to serve as an educational experience for them. It should contribute to the political education of the youth, Palatino said.
"We don't discourage students to join student councils since we believe these extra-curricular activities can improve the leadership skills of the youth. We should view SK in the same way. SK is even broader and better since it also involves out of school youth. If PNoy will insist this argument, will he also discourage students to stay away from campus politics?" Palatino argued.
Palatino said young people can become SK officers without abandoning their studies. "SK candidates should be aware that they need to balance their studies and SK work. There should be no conflict between education and SK work," Palatino said.
"If corruption is the issue here, then we should abolish barangays and other LGU units too. SK members can't access funds without approval of local officials. Abolishing SK does not eradicate corruption. If there are corrupt SK members, blame LGU leaders and even national leaders for being bad role models," Palatino stressed.
Palatino debunked statement that there are corrupt SK members. He said this is unfair to many SK officers who are performing their duties well and to many LGUs, which have successful partnerships with SK members. He believes that majority of SK members are not corrupt.
"Now there is a proposal to elect a single youth representative in the barangays. This proposal is inconsistent with the 2nd argument that youth should not be exposed to corruption at a young age. We don't want the SK to be contaminated with corruption but we can allow a single youth leader to take the risk of being seduced by corruption practices?" Palatino stressed.
Rep. Marcelino R. Teodoro (1st District, Marikina City) said the mandate of the Sangguniang Kabataan (SK) should be carefully reviewed but not totally abolished. Since there are instances of corruption as stated by the President, the system needs to be reviewed if not strengthened, Teodoro said.
Teodoro said instruments of corruption within the system can be abolished to dispel claims that SK is a breeding ground for corrupt officials.
"We should maintain a representative from the youth sector through the Sangguniang Kabataan less the budgeting, disbursement and procurement processes," Teodoro said.
Teodoro said it is not the SK that is corrupt but the system itself. The SK falls prey and is taken advantage of by unwieldy and unscrupulous contractors.
"The youth should play an important part in nation-building and should not be immediately dismissed without reviewing their mandate and finding ways to reform the SK system," Teodoro said.
Lawmakers hit P-Noy for SK abolition
Writer: Lorelei V. Castillo, MRS-PRIB
Transform SK into network vs corruption, misgovernance – Kabataan Partylist
Kabataan Partylist Representative Raymond Palatino today called on the government to “reorient” the Sangguniang Kabataan (SK) and transform it into a youth watchdog vs corruption and misgovernance amidst proposals to abolish the youth council.
“We should not put to waste this large network of young Filipinos who want to participate in government and community service. Why not tap the SK and launch a nationwide campaign against corruption and misgovernance, train the youth to be advocates of new politics from the barangay level up,” said Palatino.
Palatino said this will “invigorate” the SK and will help develop a new breed of leaders. He said that the young people just need “a little encouragement” and a “progressive framework.”
Palatino also assailed the proposal of Department of Interior and Local Government Secretary Jesse Robredo to abolish the SK and instead give one seat to a youth representative in the barangay council.
“Robredo’s proposal to abolish the youth council and instead have only one representative will weaken youth representation and will make them more vulnerable to the influence of traditional politics,” he said.
Palatino said Robredo’s proposal will kill the Katipunan ng mga Kabataan (KK), a transparency and accountability mechanism of the youth council.
“This will only make the young people in the barangays less involved in governance and community affairs. This proposal will worsen the problem we have today with SK: it has been coopted and is now becoming a breeding ground for trapos precisely because the SK is not empowered enough,” he adds.
Palatino said the government should not undermine the capability of the youth to lead. “We need a new breed of leaders if we want change, those who will stand for patriotic change and social justice,” said Palatino.
“The more the young people participate in governance, the more they will be able to expose corrupt acts, anti-people policies and become inspired to rake on the role for social change. This way, we can tap the youth for the change we want in our society.”
Palatino filed HB 1963 or SK Reform and Strengthening Bill last week aiming to improve and further empower the SK.
DOLE affirms commitment to promote gender equality in workplace
Responding to the ever changing need for gender equality in the workplace, the Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE) today said it will continue to evolve its policies and align itself to the demands of the Filipino workforce, especially on the need to address issues concerning gender and discrimination against women, lesbians, gays, bisexuals and transgenders (LGBTs)
In a statement, Labor and Employment Secretary Rosalinda D. Baldoz said that “although much has been achieved in the country’s struggle for gender equality and fairness over the years, much, still has to be done. The pressing issue of discrimination against women and LGBTs has to be remedied.”
“This is in line with the 22-point labor and employment agenda of President Benigno Simeon C. Aquino III that highlights the promotion and protection of workers’ rights,” the Labor Chief said, adding the Labor Department will continue to develop and find new ways to bring forth solutions in addressing the gender issues in the workplace.”
“This has led us to delve deeper to find lasting solution to the issue,” Baldoz said, as she referred to the recently concluded Working World Trialogue held at the Bayview Park Hotel in Roxas Boulevard, Pasay City.
“The inputs from the discussions will be taken into account by the ILS and will be used in research to formulate solutions surrounding the gender issue,” Baldoz said.
Meantime, the DOLE Chief called on employers to provide for a policy on “meritocracy,” where job applicants and employees are hired and promoted on the basis of their qualifications, abilities and merits relating to the performance of their jobs, and not on the basis of gender, sex, creed, beliefs and nationality.
“This effort is the first step in promoting equal rights for women, LGBTs and other workers affected by discrimination in the Philippines,” Baldoz said.
The forum, dubbed “Working World Trialogue Series 10.10 Discrimination in the Workplace: Beyond the Stereotypes,” has achieved considerable success in bringing together a unique mix of gender experts, workers’ groups, employers and civil society to discuss issues confronting the workplace on rights at work, employment opportunities, social protection and social dialogue.
Speakers from diverse range of stakeholders, from government, trade unions and employer groups, including representatives from the International Labor Organization (ILO), Philippine Commission on Women, UP-Manila Center for Gender and Women’s Studies, Rainbow Rights Alliance, People Management Association of the Philippines, Center for Migrant Advocacy, PS-Link, Akbayan, and Ang Ladlad participated and shed light to the burning issue of gender-based discrimination in the workplace.
Baldoz said that the Labor Department is now in the process of organizing other fora of this type to help bridge the gap between the genders and bring about gender equality in the workplace.
Among the DOLE officials who participated in the event are Assistant Secretary Ma. Joji V. Aragon, ILS Executive Director Cynthia R. Cruz, representatives from the ILS, Overseas Workers’ Welfare Administration (OWWA) and the Labor Communications Office (LCO).
DOLE affirms commitment to promote gender equality in workplace
In a statement, Labor and Employment Secretary Rosalinda D. Baldoz said that “although much has been achieved in the country’s struggle for gender equality and fairness over the years, much, still has to be done. The pressing issue of discrimination against women and LGBTs has to be remedied.”
“This is in line with the 22-point labor and employment agenda of President Benigno Simeon C. Aquino III that highlights the promotion and protection of workers’ rights,” the Labor Chief said, adding the Labor Department will continue to develop and find new ways to bring forth solutions in addressing the gender issues in the workplace.”
“This has led us to delve deeper to find lasting solution to the issue,” Baldoz said, as she referred to the recently concluded Working World Trialogue held at the Bayview Park Hotel in Roxas Boulevard, Pasay City.
“The inputs from the discussions will be taken into account by the ILS and will be used in research to formulate solutions surrounding the gender issue,” Baldoz said.
Meantime, the DOLE Chief called on employers to provide for a policy on “meritocracy,” where job applicants and employees are hired and promoted on the basis of their qualifications, abilities and merits relating to the performance of their jobs, and not on the basis of gender, sex, creed, beliefs and nationality.
“This effort is the first step in promoting equal rights for women, LGBTs and other workers affected by discrimination in the Philippines,” Baldoz said.
The forum, dubbed “Working World Trialogue Series 10.10 Discrimination in the Workplace: Beyond the Stereotypes,” has achieved considerable success in bringing together a unique mix of gender experts, workers’ groups, employers and civil society to discuss issues confronting the workplace on rights at work, employment opportunities, social protection and social dialogue.
Speakers from diverse range of stakeholders, from government, trade unions and employer groups, including representatives from the International Labor Organization (ILO), Philippine Commission on Women, UP-Manila Center for Gender and Women’s Studies, Rainbow Rights Alliance, People Management Association of the Philippines, Center for Migrant Advocacy, PS-Link, Akbayan, and Ang Ladlad participated and shed light to the burning issue of gender-based discrimination in the workplace.
Baldoz said that the Labor Department is now in the process of organizing other fora of this type to help bridge the gap between the genders and bring about gender equality in the workplace.
Among the DOLE officials who participated in the event are Assistant Secretary Ma. Joji V. Aragon, ILS Executive Director Cynthia R. Cruz, representatives from the ILS, Overseas Workers’ Welfare Administration (OWWA) and the Labor Communications Office (LCO).
DOLE affirms commitment to promote gender equality in workplace
P-Noy calls for hourly broadcast of original Pilipino compositions
President Benigno S. Aquino III has directed the Department of Transportation and Communications (DOTC) and the National Telecommunications Commission (NTC) to fully implement Executive Order No. 255 requiring all radio stations to play in the airwaves at least four original Filipino music every hour from hereon.
The President issued his directive during the oath taking of the officers of the Organisasyon ng mga Pilipinong Mangaawit (OPM) at the Rizal hall of Malacañang on Friday afternoon.
“I am directing the head of the PMS to call up the DOTC and remind the NTC to fully implement the existing Executive Order as soon as possible,” the President said.
E.O No. 255 was issued in July 1987 by the President’s mother, the late President Corazon “Cory” C. Aquino, requiring all Radio Stations with Musical Format Programs to Broadcast a Minimum of Four Original Pilipino Musical Compositions in Every Clockhour and for Other purposes.”
The directive was an immediate answer to the request of OPM president Ogie Alcasid who, in behalf of the industry, expressed support for the President’s sincere leadership to bring about change and social transformation through good governance, transparency and moral ascendancy.
Alcasid said Cory was the “great icon of democracy” while the President has emerged as “the new symbol of change and social transformation.”
Alcasid also requested the President’s support for the professional development of young musicians and artists including assistance for the sick and elderly members of the industry.
The President suggested to the OPM officers the possibility of putting up an organization much like the Movie Industry Welfare Fund (MOWELFUND) through the funds of the Philippine Charity Sweepstakes Office (PCSO), Philippine Amusement and Gaming Corporation (PAGCOR) or even the President’s Social Fund (PSF).
The President said his administration will also support the protection of the Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) of musicians which he said contributes some 4.25 percent to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP).
The President thanked the music industry which, he said, has been at the forefront in promoting the country’s arts and culture and in uplifting the hopes and dreams of every Filipino.
“For a country that is developing like us that has so many problems, the arts for man’s sake really deserves all the support we can have,” the President said.
Aside from Alcasid, the President administered the oath of office of OPM chairman Mitch Valdez, OPM executive director Elmer Beltran Ingles, Gary Valenciano (VP for internal affairs), Noel Cabangon (VP for external affairs), Christian Bautista (VP for special projects), Jose Mari Chan (treasurer), Dingdong Avanzado (secretary) and ex-officio trustees Jim Paredes and Celeste Legaspi-Gallardo.
The officers, beefed up by Regine Velasquez and Jessa Zaragoza, later rendered the song “Kaya Natin,” which was composed in the aftermath of the massive flooding and devastation caused by Typhoon Ondoy last year.
Established in October 1986, the OPM is the leading and most respected organization of Filipino professional singers in the country.
P-Noy calls for hourly broadcast of original Pilipino compositions
The President issued his directive during the oath taking of the officers of the Organisasyon ng mga Pilipinong Mangaawit (OPM) at the Rizal hall of Malacañang on Friday afternoon.
“I am directing the head of the PMS to call up the DOTC and remind the NTC to fully implement the existing Executive Order as soon as possible,” the President said.
E.O No. 255 was issued in July 1987 by the President’s mother, the late President Corazon “Cory” C. Aquino, requiring all Radio Stations with Musical Format Programs to Broadcast a Minimum of Four Original Pilipino Musical Compositions in Every Clockhour and for Other purposes.”
The directive was an immediate answer to the request of OPM president Ogie Alcasid who, in behalf of the industry, expressed support for the President’s sincere leadership to bring about change and social transformation through good governance, transparency and moral ascendancy.
Alcasid said Cory was the “great icon of democracy” while the President has emerged as “the new symbol of change and social transformation.”
Alcasid also requested the President’s support for the professional development of young musicians and artists including assistance for the sick and elderly members of the industry.
The President suggested to the OPM officers the possibility of putting up an organization much like the Movie Industry Welfare Fund (MOWELFUND) through the funds of the Philippine Charity Sweepstakes Office (PCSO), Philippine Amusement and Gaming Corporation (PAGCOR) or even the President’s Social Fund (PSF).
The President said his administration will also support the protection of the Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) of musicians which he said contributes some 4.25 percent to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP).
The President thanked the music industry which, he said, has been at the forefront in promoting the country’s arts and culture and in uplifting the hopes and dreams of every Filipino.
“For a country that is developing like us that has so many problems, the arts for man’s sake really deserves all the support we can have,” the President said.
Aside from Alcasid, the President administered the oath of office of OPM chairman Mitch Valdez, OPM executive director Elmer Beltran Ingles, Gary Valenciano (VP for internal affairs), Noel Cabangon (VP for external affairs), Christian Bautista (VP for special projects), Jose Mari Chan (treasurer), Dingdong Avanzado (secretary) and ex-officio trustees Jim Paredes and Celeste Legaspi-Gallardo.
The officers, beefed up by Regine Velasquez and Jessa Zaragoza, later rendered the song “Kaya Natin,” which was composed in the aftermath of the massive flooding and devastation caused by Typhoon Ondoy last year.
Established in October 1986, the OPM is the leading and most respected organization of Filipino professional singers in the country.
P-Noy calls for hourly broadcast of original Pilipino compositions
Friday, August 13, 2010
Cojuangco-Aquinos Denounced for Using Millions to Lure, Deceive Luisita Farm Workers
Ulwu chairman Lito Bais said the financial package from Hacienda Luisita management was meant to lure farm workers into the compromise-agreement bait. “They exploited the poverty of the farm workers and used money to deceive them,” he said. Bais also accused the Cojuangco-Aquinos of “hoodwinking” farm workers of hundreds of millions from earlier land deals.
By RONALYN V. OLEA
Bulatlat.com
MANILA — A leader of the United Luisita Workers Union (Ulwu) has denounced Hacienda Luisita Inc. (HLI) for using the initial P20-million cash package to lure and deceive the farm workers of the hacienda into agreeing to the controversial compromise agreement.
The P20 million is part of the P150-million financial package stated in the so-called compromise agreement between the HLI management and individuals who claim to represent farm workers.
The HLI management said it is a “sign of goodwill” and that the remaining P130 million will be given to the farmers once the deal is approved by the Supreme Court.
Ulwu chairman Lito Bais, however, said that the financial package was meant to lure farm workers into the bait of the Cojuangco-Aquinos, owner of the Hacienda Luisita estate.
“They exploited the poverty of the farm workers and used money to deceive them,” Bais said, adding that the HLI management spent much money for the referendum, in which farm workers were given two options: land or shares of stocks.
Hacienda Luisita management has defended the financial package. (Click here to read more of their side.)
To evade land distribution, the Cojuangco-Aquinos implemented the stock distribution option (SDO) in 1989 as one of the non-land transfer schemes indicated in the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law (CARL).
Jobert Ilarde Pahilga, executive trustee of the Sentro Para sa Tunay na Repormang Agraryo (Sentra) and lawyer of the farmers’ group Ambala, said the P150 million is “miniscule” amount compared to what the Cojuangco-Aquinos actually owe the farm workers.
Pahilga cited the sale of the 500-hectare land in 1995 to be used for medium-cost and low-cost housing and an industrial estate. He said that as shareholders under the SDO, farm workers are entitled to 33 percent of the P2.5 billion, or valued at P750,000 per hectare. “The farm workers were supposed to receive P666 million but they were only given three percent of the sale amounting to only P33 million.” “Meanwhile, the HLI management got 97 percent.”
Pahilga argued that the Cojuangco-Aquinos manipulated the determination of shares of stocks of the farm workers, saying that what remains of the agricultural land have been undervalued while the HLI management’s assets were overvalued.
“Even based on an unfair computation, the farm workers were shortchanged,” Pahilga said. (Related video: Economist Winnie Monsod Shows How Cojuangco-Aquinos Deceived Luisita Farmers All These Years)
Bais, meanwhile, related that from the P84 billion paid to the HLI for the Subic-Clark-Tarlac Expressway (SCTEX), the 10,000 farm workers were only given P2.4 million.
“Some of us got 50 centavos, others 25 centavos,” Bais said, adding that that the Cojuangco-Aquinos gave them were “mumo,” or discarded rice.
Under the compromise agreement, farm workers will waive and agree to withdraw any and all claims, including those arising from employer-employee relationship, complaints, petitions filed, or to be filed, with the DAR [Department of Agrarian Reform], PARC [Presidential Agrarian Reform Council], administrative, quasi-judicial and/or judicial bodies, or any other matter arising from or incidental to the MOA [memorandum of agreement], or any dispute between HLI and the farm workers, and hereby release and hold harmless each other from any and all other liabilities or claims, of any form and kind, which one may have against the other and its officers, or which may arise now or in the future between HLI and the farm workers, or as a result of or incidental to the implementation of the MOA.
Pahilga said this is a violation of the law as it insulates the HLI from any future cases.
“This provision makes the farm workers virtual slaves, as they were and are already regarded as such by the Cojuangcos,” Pahilga said. It strips the farm workers the right to question any criminal, illegal and unjust acts of HLI management, he pointed out.
Cojuangco-Aquinos Denounced for Using Millions to Lure, Deceive Luisita Farm Workers
(Bulatlat.com)
By RONALYN V. OLEA
Bulatlat.com
MANILA — A leader of the United Luisita Workers Union (Ulwu) has denounced Hacienda Luisita Inc. (HLI) for using the initial P20-million cash package to lure and deceive the farm workers of the hacienda into agreeing to the controversial compromise agreement.
The P20 million is part of the P150-million financial package stated in the so-called compromise agreement between the HLI management and individuals who claim to represent farm workers.
The HLI management said it is a “sign of goodwill” and that the remaining P130 million will be given to the farmers once the deal is approved by the Supreme Court.
Ulwu chairman Lito Bais, however, said that the financial package was meant to lure farm workers into the bait of the Cojuangco-Aquinos, owner of the Hacienda Luisita estate.
“They exploited the poverty of the farm workers and used money to deceive them,” Bais said, adding that the HLI management spent much money for the referendum, in which farm workers were given two options: land or shares of stocks.
Hacienda Luisita management has defended the financial package. (Click here to read more of their side.)
To evade land distribution, the Cojuangco-Aquinos implemented the stock distribution option (SDO) in 1989 as one of the non-land transfer schemes indicated in the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law (CARL).
Jobert Ilarde Pahilga, executive trustee of the Sentro Para sa Tunay na Repormang Agraryo (Sentra) and lawyer of the farmers’ group Ambala, said the P150 million is “miniscule” amount compared to what the Cojuangco-Aquinos actually owe the farm workers.
Pahilga cited the sale of the 500-hectare land in 1995 to be used for medium-cost and low-cost housing and an industrial estate. He said that as shareholders under the SDO, farm workers are entitled to 33 percent of the P2.5 billion, or valued at P750,000 per hectare. “The farm workers were supposed to receive P666 million but they were only given three percent of the sale amounting to only P33 million.” “Meanwhile, the HLI management got 97 percent.”
Pahilga argued that the Cojuangco-Aquinos manipulated the determination of shares of stocks of the farm workers, saying that what remains of the agricultural land have been undervalued while the HLI management’s assets were overvalued.
“Even based on an unfair computation, the farm workers were shortchanged,” Pahilga said. (Related video: Economist Winnie Monsod Shows How Cojuangco-Aquinos Deceived Luisita Farmers All These Years)
Bais, meanwhile, related that from the P84 billion paid to the HLI for the Subic-Clark-Tarlac Expressway (SCTEX), the 10,000 farm workers were only given P2.4 million.
“Some of us got 50 centavos, others 25 centavos,” Bais said, adding that that the Cojuangco-Aquinos gave them were “mumo,” or discarded rice.
Under the compromise agreement, farm workers will waive and agree to withdraw any and all claims, including those arising from employer-employee relationship, complaints, petitions filed, or to be filed, with the DAR [Department of Agrarian Reform], PARC [Presidential Agrarian Reform Council], administrative, quasi-judicial and/or judicial bodies, or any other matter arising from or incidental to the MOA [memorandum of agreement], or any dispute between HLI and the farm workers, and hereby release and hold harmless each other from any and all other liabilities or claims, of any form and kind, which one may have against the other and its officers, or which may arise now or in the future between HLI and the farm workers, or as a result of or incidental to the implementation of the MOA.
Pahilga said this is a violation of the law as it insulates the HLI from any future cases.
“This provision makes the farm workers virtual slaves, as they were and are already regarded as such by the Cojuangcos,” Pahilga said. It strips the farm workers the right to question any criminal, illegal and unjust acts of HLI management, he pointed out.
Cojuangco-Aquinos Denounced for Using Millions to Lure, Deceive Luisita Farm Workers
(Bulatlat.com)
Tuesday, August 10, 2010
Teachers oppose 12-year basic education program
Alliance of Concerned Teachers (ACT) opposed the Department of Education (DepEd) 12-year basic education program.
ACT Secretary General France Castro said that adding years to the basic education program is not the solution to the crisis in Phil. Education. “We say NO to this plan being pushed by the DepEd and P-Noy. The 12- year basic education program will further deepen the chronic crisis of Philippine education which is caused and reflection of the chronic crisis of poverty and corrupt politics in the Philippines,” said Castro.
The militant teacher organization said that the problems in the country's education is not in the number of years, but inherent to its content and character as colonial, feudal, repressive and commercialized that cares and serve the colonial subservient character and backward economic system of the Philippines.
"The content of Philippine education only means to produce graduates that will merely fill the needs of big multi-national companies for skilled but subservient workers," deplored Castro.
ACT also said the 12-year education cycle will definitely and heavily add to the burden of Filipino family which majority belongs to the poor and further exploit our teachers to more work loads and less and less pay in real value.
Castro pointed out that “all education program of the government implemented from Marcos dictatorship up to the Arroyo regime, like voc-tech, bridge program, etc., does not serve as a solution to the crisis and to the so called “lack of quality” of our education. Instead, this resulted in more intense crisis and problem like decrease in education budget, growing shortages of schools basic needs, higher rate of school drop-outs, and increase of tuition and other miscellaneous fees.”
“We see that the youth who will graduate from this 12- year basic education program of DepED and PNoy will not necessarily lead to more employment, as we all know that the our backward economy cannot provide local employment and the world economic crisis gives no assurance to provide global employment to our Filipino youth,” Castro said.
ACT expressed concerns that the people behind in pushing for this program belongs to the local and international big private business-bankers and technocrats. “We wonder what economic gain do they have in pushing for this program?”
“Unless the government will decisively push for a self reliant economy based on national industrialization and genuine agrarian reform, any move to reform our education will only further its crisis and will definitely fail,” Castro concluded.#
ACT Secretary General France Castro said that adding years to the basic education program is not the solution to the crisis in Phil. Education. “We say NO to this plan being pushed by the DepEd and P-Noy. The 12- year basic education program will further deepen the chronic crisis of Philippine education which is caused and reflection of the chronic crisis of poverty and corrupt politics in the Philippines,” said Castro.
The militant teacher organization said that the problems in the country's education is not in the number of years, but inherent to its content and character as colonial, feudal, repressive and commercialized that cares and serve the colonial subservient character and backward economic system of the Philippines.
"The content of Philippine education only means to produce graduates that will merely fill the needs of big multi-national companies for skilled but subservient workers," deplored Castro.
ACT also said the 12-year education cycle will definitely and heavily add to the burden of Filipino family which majority belongs to the poor and further exploit our teachers to more work loads and less and less pay in real value.
Castro pointed out that “all education program of the government implemented from Marcos dictatorship up to the Arroyo regime, like voc-tech, bridge program, etc., does not serve as a solution to the crisis and to the so called “lack of quality” of our education. Instead, this resulted in more intense crisis and problem like decrease in education budget, growing shortages of schools basic needs, higher rate of school drop-outs, and increase of tuition and other miscellaneous fees.”
“We see that the youth who will graduate from this 12- year basic education program of DepED and PNoy will not necessarily lead to more employment, as we all know that the our backward economy cannot provide local employment and the world economic crisis gives no assurance to provide global employment to our Filipino youth,” Castro said.
ACT expressed concerns that the people behind in pushing for this program belongs to the local and international big private business-bankers and technocrats. “We wonder what economic gain do they have in pushing for this program?”
“Unless the government will decisively push for a self reliant economy based on national industrialization and genuine agrarian reform, any move to reform our education will only further its crisis and will definitely fail,” Castro concluded.#
"State of the Climate"
Senator Loren Legarda in her "State of the Climate" privilege speech today called for the synchronized implementation of the following laws - Ecological Solid Waste Management Act, Clean Water Act, Clean Air Act, Climate Change Act of 2009 and the Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Act of 2010;
"Never before in history have humans proactively worked together to avert a global catastrophe, as what we now attempt to achieve with the threatening challenge of climate change."
The Chairman of the Senate Committee on Climate change asserted, "Eradicating extreme poverty and hunger is impossible to achieve without taking extensive measures to minimize the impacts of recurring floods, droughts, and other hazards that push Filipinos back into poverty. "
"It is time to recognize that disasters, turbocharged by a changing climate, have undone years of development gains, and that unsound and short-sighted development practices themselves are playing a significant role in worsening disaster risk, " Legarda cautioned.
"We need to improve our scientific and technical capacity to forecast the shifting hazards and their links to disasters. "
"I strongly urge local leaders to drive and push for environmental protection and energy initiatives in their respective jurisdiction and the private sector to invest in new technologies, adopt energy efficiency measures and help their local communities adapt to climate change."
"The looming water crisis is the result of a combination of rapid population growth, pollution, the destruction and mismanagement of freshwater resources, and climate change."
"The scientific and research community should prioritize focusing on risk science and innovation to help us prepare for localized impact assessments."
Legarda also called on members of the academe to share practical knowledge to their communities and to teach our youth the urgency and importance of climate change action.
Legarda cited several priority bills she filed this 15th Congress as solutions to the impact of climate change:
1. P. S. Resolution No., 45 urging the Department of Public Works and Highways to implement a 21-year-old law, Republic Act No. 6716, or the Rainwater and Spring Development Act of 1989. Why has the DPWH not constructed wells and rainwater collectors, developed springs and rehabilitated existing water wells in all barangays during the last 21 years?
2. Senate Bill No. 1406 or the PAGASA Modernization Act of 2010, will give the agency PhP5 billion for the acquisition of modern equipment and communication systems, providing for the necessary information requirements.
3. P. S. Resolution No.7 resolution proposing that the Metro Manila Development Agency (MMDA) and the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) implement a comprehensive river rehabilitation program in order to recover the length, width and depth of our rivers, and promote better water flow along our major tributaries to prevent flooding.
4. Senate Bill No. 6 Barangay Greening and Forest Land Rehabilitation Act, which empowers local officials as frontliners to advance the greening, rehabilitation and protection of the different forest lands in our country. This shall be a priority adaptation strategy that will be implemented from the provincial down to the barangay level.
"Based on a study by the Asian Development Bank on the economics of climate change, the country stands to lose 6% of its GDP annually by 2100 if it disregards climate change risks. However, this same study found that if the Philippines invests 0.5% of its GDP by 2020 in climate change adaptation, it can avert losses of up to 4% of its GDP by 2100 -- clearly a short term investment with a long term eight-fold gain."
"The task before us can no longer be ignored. The time for action is now. The Philippines is a climate hotspot, ranking 12th of the most number of deaths because of disasters."
" If we change our individual attitudes and actions to generate awareness, build the critical mass needed to influence political will, we can avert these challenges and together chart humanity's path to a safer tomorrow, " Legarda concluded.
from http://www.senate.gov.ph/press_release/2010/0810_legarda1.asp
"Never before in history have humans proactively worked together to avert a global catastrophe, as what we now attempt to achieve with the threatening challenge of climate change."
The Chairman of the Senate Committee on Climate change asserted, "Eradicating extreme poverty and hunger is impossible to achieve without taking extensive measures to minimize the impacts of recurring floods, droughts, and other hazards that push Filipinos back into poverty. "
"It is time to recognize that disasters, turbocharged by a changing climate, have undone years of development gains, and that unsound and short-sighted development practices themselves are playing a significant role in worsening disaster risk, " Legarda cautioned.
"We need to improve our scientific and technical capacity to forecast the shifting hazards and their links to disasters. "
"I strongly urge local leaders to drive and push for environmental protection and energy initiatives in their respective jurisdiction and the private sector to invest in new technologies, adopt energy efficiency measures and help their local communities adapt to climate change."
"The looming water crisis is the result of a combination of rapid population growth, pollution, the destruction and mismanagement of freshwater resources, and climate change."
"The scientific and research community should prioritize focusing on risk science and innovation to help us prepare for localized impact assessments."
Legarda also called on members of the academe to share practical knowledge to their communities and to teach our youth the urgency and importance of climate change action.
Legarda cited several priority bills she filed this 15th Congress as solutions to the impact of climate change:
1. P. S. Resolution No., 45 urging the Department of Public Works and Highways to implement a 21-year-old law, Republic Act No. 6716, or the Rainwater and Spring Development Act of 1989. Why has the DPWH not constructed wells and rainwater collectors, developed springs and rehabilitated existing water wells in all barangays during the last 21 years?
2. Senate Bill No. 1406 or the PAGASA Modernization Act of 2010, will give the agency PhP5 billion for the acquisition of modern equipment and communication systems, providing for the necessary information requirements.
3. P. S. Resolution No.7 resolution proposing that the Metro Manila Development Agency (MMDA) and the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) implement a comprehensive river rehabilitation program in order to recover the length, width and depth of our rivers, and promote better water flow along our major tributaries to prevent flooding.
4. Senate Bill No. 6 Barangay Greening and Forest Land Rehabilitation Act, which empowers local officials as frontliners to advance the greening, rehabilitation and protection of the different forest lands in our country. This shall be a priority adaptation strategy that will be implemented from the provincial down to the barangay level.
"Based on a study by the Asian Development Bank on the economics of climate change, the country stands to lose 6% of its GDP annually by 2100 if it disregards climate change risks. However, this same study found that if the Philippines invests 0.5% of its GDP by 2020 in climate change adaptation, it can avert losses of up to 4% of its GDP by 2100 -- clearly a short term investment with a long term eight-fold gain."
"The task before us can no longer be ignored. The time for action is now. The Philippines is a climate hotspot, ranking 12th of the most number of deaths because of disasters."
" If we change our individual attitudes and actions to generate awareness, build the critical mass needed to influence political will, we can avert these challenges and together chart humanity's path to a safer tomorrow, " Legarda concluded.
from http://www.senate.gov.ph/press_release/2010/0810_legarda1.asp
Monday, August 9, 2010
KMU to Aquino: Investigate Lucio Tan’s Profits, Anti-labor Schemes
KMU to Aquino: Investigate Lucio Tan’s Profits, Anti-labor Schemes
As the controversy over the mass resignation of Philippine Airlines’ pilots since last Saturday rages on, labor center Kilusang Mayo Uno called on President Aquino to investigate PAL owner Lucio Tan’s profits and anti-labor schemes, saying labor issues are behind the recent imbroglio in the national flag carrier.
KMU made the call in a picket in front of PAL’s corporate office in Ayala Avenue this morning, where the labor center condemned the business tycoon for “intensifying the exploitation and causing the lay-off of workers” in the airline company.
Attending the picket were members of the PAL Employees’ Union or Palea, the union of PAL’s ground employees, the Laban ng Bagong Palea, KMU, and Anakpawis partylist.
“The PAL management continues to bombard us with Lucio Tan’s canard that the pilots who resigned were merely motivated by personal interests. If there is a party to this issue that has consistently advanced nothing but his personal interests, that is Lucio Tan,” said Roger Soluta, KMU general secretary.
“We are therefore calling on the Aquino regime: investigate and expose Tan’s profiteering and anti-labor schemes. Not only will this get us to the bottom of the pilots’ resignation, more importantly, this will be a first step in improving the worsening lot of PAL workers,” Soluta added.
The labor center said the investigation that it is calling for will force open “no less than a can of worms” that will expose the PAL management’s statements “for what they really are – lies in the service of superprofits.”
“Accusations that the pilots were thinking only of their own interests when they resigned will be refuted by no less than a can of worms of anti-labor schemes: increases in workloads and decreases in wages, illegal termination, moratorium in CBA negotiations, promotion of contractualization, use of dummy corporations, among others,” Soluta added.
“In various venues, and especially during negotiations for collective bargaining agreements, the PAL management is often heard whining about decreasing profits and the possibility of closing down. How could that be, when Lucio Tan continues to be the second richest Filipino with a net profit of P90 billion? When PAL continues to be the top carrier in the country, handling 35% of international flights?”
Soluta said investigating Tan’s profits and labor practices will yield “instructive insights” into the country’s labor laws and policies.
“We will definitely be shocked by how much of what Tan does in PAL and his other companies are illegal. But we will also be shocked by how much of his profiteering and anti-labor schemes are made legal, sanctioned by the country’s anti-worker labor laws and policies,” Soluta concluded.
http://www.bulatlat.com/main/2010/08/05/kmu-to-aquino-investigate-lucio-tan’s-profits-anti-labor-schemes/
As the controversy over the mass resignation of Philippine Airlines’ pilots since last Saturday rages on, labor center Kilusang Mayo Uno called on President Aquino to investigate PAL owner Lucio Tan’s profits and anti-labor schemes, saying labor issues are behind the recent imbroglio in the national flag carrier.
KMU made the call in a picket in front of PAL’s corporate office in Ayala Avenue this morning, where the labor center condemned the business tycoon for “intensifying the exploitation and causing the lay-off of workers” in the airline company.
Attending the picket were members of the PAL Employees’ Union or Palea, the union of PAL’s ground employees, the Laban ng Bagong Palea, KMU, and Anakpawis partylist.
“The PAL management continues to bombard us with Lucio Tan’s canard that the pilots who resigned were merely motivated by personal interests. If there is a party to this issue that has consistently advanced nothing but his personal interests, that is Lucio Tan,” said Roger Soluta, KMU general secretary.
“We are therefore calling on the Aquino regime: investigate and expose Tan’s profiteering and anti-labor schemes. Not only will this get us to the bottom of the pilots’ resignation, more importantly, this will be a first step in improving the worsening lot of PAL workers,” Soluta added.
The labor center said the investigation that it is calling for will force open “no less than a can of worms” that will expose the PAL management’s statements “for what they really are – lies in the service of superprofits.”
“Accusations that the pilots were thinking only of their own interests when they resigned will be refuted by no less than a can of worms of anti-labor schemes: increases in workloads and decreases in wages, illegal termination, moratorium in CBA negotiations, promotion of contractualization, use of dummy corporations, among others,” Soluta added.
“In various venues, and especially during negotiations for collective bargaining agreements, the PAL management is often heard whining about decreasing profits and the possibility of closing down. How could that be, when Lucio Tan continues to be the second richest Filipino with a net profit of P90 billion? When PAL continues to be the top carrier in the country, handling 35% of international flights?”
Soluta said investigating Tan’s profits and labor practices will yield “instructive insights” into the country’s labor laws and policies.
“We will definitely be shocked by how much of what Tan does in PAL and his other companies are illegal. But we will also be shocked by how much of his profiteering and anti-labor schemes are made legal, sanctioned by the country’s anti-worker labor laws and policies,” Soluta concluded.
http://www.bulatlat.com/main/2010/08/05/kmu-to-aquino-investigate-lucio-tan’s-profits-anti-labor-schemes/
Pagbabalik ng ROTC haharangin ng kabataan
Pagbabalik ng ROTC haharangin ng kabataan
Darius Galang, Pinoy Weekly
Tinututulan ng iba’t ibang grupo ng kabataan, maging ng kabataang kinatawan sa Kamara, ang panukala sa Kamara na ibalik ang Reserved Officers’ Training Corps (ROTC) sa mga estudyante sa kolehiyo.
“Tinuturuan ng ROTC na magbulag-bulagan at walang-imik ang mga estudyante. Ginagamit pa ng AFP ang programa sa red-baiting laban sa progresibong mga grupong pang-estudyante, sa pamamagitan ng mga lektura nila sa ROTC na ang mga aktibistang grupo na ito ay may-ugnay sa rebeldeng New People’s Army,” ayon kay Kabataan Party-list Rep. Raymond Palatino.
Iminungkahi ni Cebu Rep. Eduardo Gullas sa Kamara na ibalik ang mandatory na (ROTC) at lusawin ang National Service Training Program (NSTP) para sa mga mag-aaral ng mga kolehiyo at unibersidad. Bahagi raw kasi ng programa ng ROTC, na pinamumunuan ng Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) ang pagtuturo ng patriyotismo sa mga kabataan.
Sinusugan ni Sek. Voltair Gazmin ng Department of National Defense ang panukala sa Kamara, dahil maibabalik daw ang disiplino at pagmamahal sa bayan ng mga kabataang Pilipino kung ibabalik ang ROTC.
Ngunit sinabi ni Palatino na maliban sa mapanupil na kulturang itinatanim ng ROTC sa mga estudyante, nagsisilbi rin ito para sa paniniktik sa kabataang mga aktibista sa iba’t ibang unibersidad. Sinabi ni Palatino na dati nilang naidokumento ang paniniktik ng mga estudyanteng opisyal ng ROTC sa militanteng mga organisasyon, at pagtatag ng mga student intelligence network sa mga kampus.
Noon pang 2006, nagpalaganap ang mga ito ng mga polyeto na pinipigilan ang mga estudyante na tutulan ang noo’y isinusulong na 300% tuition hike sa Unibersidad ng Pilipinas, at inaakusahan ang mga lider ng mga protesta na “tagarekluta ng NPA.”
Napaulat na nangyari rin ang kahalintulad na insidente noong 2007 sa Politeknikong Unibersidad ng Pilipinas, at, nitong taon lang, sa Unibersidad ng Pilipinas-Los Baños nang nanawagan ang walkout ang mga lider-estudyante.
Ayon naman kay Anton Dulce, pangalawang tagapangulo ng Anakbayan, “Sa pagbabalik ng mga protesta sa kampus laban sa pagtaas ng matrikula at iba pang bayarin, kasama pa ang di-makatarungang polisiya ng administrasyon ng mga paaralan, natatakot kami na ang mandatory ROTC ay gagamitin bilang kasangkapan laban sa mga mag-aaral na lumalaban para sa kanilang mga karapatan.”
Kasama sa isinususog na dagdag sa programa ng ROTC ang pagtutuon ng pansin sa serbisyong pangkomunidad at pagtugon sa mga kalamidad at sakuna.
Ngunit para kay Terry Ridon, tagapangulo ng League of Filipino Students (LFS), “Ang mga diumano’y mabubuting intensiyon na ito ng AFP ay isinasagawa na ngayon ng citizen-driven na mga komponent ng NSTP tulad ng Literacy Training Service at Community Welfare Training Service, at epektibo naman ang pagsasagawa nito sa implementasyon ng batas ulok sa NSTP. Ang balakin ng AFP ay nauuwi lamang sa pagpapaulit ng programa. (program redundancy).”
Dagdag pa niya na sa halos isang dekadang pagsasagawa ng NSTP ay binigyan nito ng laya ang mga mag-aaral na pumili para sa kanilang sarili ng programang maghahasa sa kanila at magbigay ng serbisyong pampubliko. “If it ain’t broke, why fix it?” sambit pa ni Dulce.
Mariin na tinututulan ni Palatino ang programang pagbabalik ng ROTC sa mga paaralan, at isinasaad niya na walang puwang ang puwersang-militar sa mga paaralan.
“Dahil sa madugo at malagim na rekord nila sa karapatang-pantao, walang karapatan ang AFP sa pang-akademikong pakikisali ng ating kabataan. Ang isang warmongering at mersenaryong institusyon ay hindi dapat hayaang makapasok sa mga paaralan at magturo sa mga mag-aaral,” ani Palatino, na nangakong lalabanan ang pagpapasa ng panukalang-batas sa Kamara.
Sa ulat ng alyansang pangkarapatang pantaong Karapatan, umabot sa 23 biktima sa mahigit 1,000 kaso ng ekstrahudisyal na pamamaslang sa ilalim ng pamahalaang Arroyo ay mula sa mga grupong kabataan tulad ng Anakbayan, ang League of Filipino Students, at Kabataan Partylist.
Tatlong miyembro pa ng Anakbayan ang kasama sa mahigit 300 kaso ng enforced disappearances sa ilalim ni Arroyo.
“Ang isang institusyong nabahiran ng dugo ng maraming kabataan ay hindi dapat na palapitin lomampung metro sa kahit anong kampus. Hindi pa ba sila kuntento sa kanilang pagpaslang at pagdukot sa karamihan ng ating kasamang lider-kabataan?”dugtong ni Dulce.
Nawala sa kurikulum ang ROTC noong 2001 bunsod ng malawakang protesta ng mga kabataan at mga biktima ng panggigipit at napaulat na pangingikil sa mga paaralan. Ang pagkamatay ni ROTC cadet at mag-aaral ng Unibersidad ng Santo Tomas na si Mark Chua bunsod sa ROTC “hazing” ang lalo pang nagpatingkad sa isyu ng ROTC sa kabataan.
[update Agosto 7, 2010]
Naglunsad na ng petition signing campaign ang mga grupong pangkabataan upang humiling sa mga estudyante, magulang at mga guro na tutulan ang panunumbalik ng ROTC sa mga pamantasan.
Samantala, nananawagan ang Kabataan Party-list kay Pang. Benigno Aquino III na basagin ang kanyang pananahimik ukol sa isyu ng panunumbalik ng nasabing programa.
Nakapagsalita na ang kabataan ngunit ang tindig ni Aquino sa isyu ng mandatory ROTC ay hindi marinig saan man. “Talagang nakakabingi ang kanyang pananahimik,” dugtong ni Palatino.
Ayon kay DND Spokesperson Eduardo Batac, ang naturang panunumbalik ng programa ay tutugon sa suliranin ng AFP’s sa kakulangan ng tauhan bukod sa kanilang “kakarampot na badyet.”
Bagay na ikinadismaya ng nakababatang kongresista. “Una, ang pagmomodernisa ng AFP sa pamamagitan ng public-private partnerships. Ngayon ito naman. Maguumpisa silang bumuhay ng batalyones ng laruang sundalo mula sa abo para sa ikabubuhay ng isang insitusyong militar,” pagtatapos ni Palatino.
Darius Galang, Pinoy Weekly
Tinututulan ng iba’t ibang grupo ng kabataan, maging ng kabataang kinatawan sa Kamara, ang panukala sa Kamara na ibalik ang Reserved Officers’ Training Corps (ROTC) sa mga estudyante sa kolehiyo.
“Tinuturuan ng ROTC na magbulag-bulagan at walang-imik ang mga estudyante. Ginagamit pa ng AFP ang programa sa red-baiting laban sa progresibong mga grupong pang-estudyante, sa pamamagitan ng mga lektura nila sa ROTC na ang mga aktibistang grupo na ito ay may-ugnay sa rebeldeng New People’s Army,” ayon kay Kabataan Party-list Rep. Raymond Palatino.
Iminungkahi ni Cebu Rep. Eduardo Gullas sa Kamara na ibalik ang mandatory na (ROTC) at lusawin ang National Service Training Program (NSTP) para sa mga mag-aaral ng mga kolehiyo at unibersidad. Bahagi raw kasi ng programa ng ROTC, na pinamumunuan ng Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) ang pagtuturo ng patriyotismo sa mga kabataan.
Sinusugan ni Sek. Voltair Gazmin ng Department of National Defense ang panukala sa Kamara, dahil maibabalik daw ang disiplino at pagmamahal sa bayan ng mga kabataang Pilipino kung ibabalik ang ROTC.
Ngunit sinabi ni Palatino na maliban sa mapanupil na kulturang itinatanim ng ROTC sa mga estudyante, nagsisilbi rin ito para sa paniniktik sa kabataang mga aktibista sa iba’t ibang unibersidad. Sinabi ni Palatino na dati nilang naidokumento ang paniniktik ng mga estudyanteng opisyal ng ROTC sa militanteng mga organisasyon, at pagtatag ng mga student intelligence network sa mga kampus.
Noon pang 2006, nagpalaganap ang mga ito ng mga polyeto na pinipigilan ang mga estudyante na tutulan ang noo’y isinusulong na 300% tuition hike sa Unibersidad ng Pilipinas, at inaakusahan ang mga lider ng mga protesta na “tagarekluta ng NPA.”
Napaulat na nangyari rin ang kahalintulad na insidente noong 2007 sa Politeknikong Unibersidad ng Pilipinas, at, nitong taon lang, sa Unibersidad ng Pilipinas-Los Baños nang nanawagan ang walkout ang mga lider-estudyante.
Ayon naman kay Anton Dulce, pangalawang tagapangulo ng Anakbayan, “Sa pagbabalik ng mga protesta sa kampus laban sa pagtaas ng matrikula at iba pang bayarin, kasama pa ang di-makatarungang polisiya ng administrasyon ng mga paaralan, natatakot kami na ang mandatory ROTC ay gagamitin bilang kasangkapan laban sa mga mag-aaral na lumalaban para sa kanilang mga karapatan.”
Kasama sa isinususog na dagdag sa programa ng ROTC ang pagtutuon ng pansin sa serbisyong pangkomunidad at pagtugon sa mga kalamidad at sakuna.
Ngunit para kay Terry Ridon, tagapangulo ng League of Filipino Students (LFS), “Ang mga diumano’y mabubuting intensiyon na ito ng AFP ay isinasagawa na ngayon ng citizen-driven na mga komponent ng NSTP tulad ng Literacy Training Service at Community Welfare Training Service, at epektibo naman ang pagsasagawa nito sa implementasyon ng batas ulok sa NSTP. Ang balakin ng AFP ay nauuwi lamang sa pagpapaulit ng programa. (program redundancy).”
Dagdag pa niya na sa halos isang dekadang pagsasagawa ng NSTP ay binigyan nito ng laya ang mga mag-aaral na pumili para sa kanilang sarili ng programang maghahasa sa kanila at magbigay ng serbisyong pampubliko. “If it ain’t broke, why fix it?” sambit pa ni Dulce.
Mariin na tinututulan ni Palatino ang programang pagbabalik ng ROTC sa mga paaralan, at isinasaad niya na walang puwang ang puwersang-militar sa mga paaralan.
“Dahil sa madugo at malagim na rekord nila sa karapatang-pantao, walang karapatan ang AFP sa pang-akademikong pakikisali ng ating kabataan. Ang isang warmongering at mersenaryong institusyon ay hindi dapat hayaang makapasok sa mga paaralan at magturo sa mga mag-aaral,” ani Palatino, na nangakong lalabanan ang pagpapasa ng panukalang-batas sa Kamara.
Sa ulat ng alyansang pangkarapatang pantaong Karapatan, umabot sa 23 biktima sa mahigit 1,000 kaso ng ekstrahudisyal na pamamaslang sa ilalim ng pamahalaang Arroyo ay mula sa mga grupong kabataan tulad ng Anakbayan, ang League of Filipino Students, at Kabataan Partylist.
Tatlong miyembro pa ng Anakbayan ang kasama sa mahigit 300 kaso ng enforced disappearances sa ilalim ni Arroyo.
“Ang isang institusyong nabahiran ng dugo ng maraming kabataan ay hindi dapat na palapitin lomampung metro sa kahit anong kampus. Hindi pa ba sila kuntento sa kanilang pagpaslang at pagdukot sa karamihan ng ating kasamang lider-kabataan?”dugtong ni Dulce.
Nawala sa kurikulum ang ROTC noong 2001 bunsod ng malawakang protesta ng mga kabataan at mga biktima ng panggigipit at napaulat na pangingikil sa mga paaralan. Ang pagkamatay ni ROTC cadet at mag-aaral ng Unibersidad ng Santo Tomas na si Mark Chua bunsod sa ROTC “hazing” ang lalo pang nagpatingkad sa isyu ng ROTC sa kabataan.
[update Agosto 7, 2010]
Naglunsad na ng petition signing campaign ang mga grupong pangkabataan upang humiling sa mga estudyante, magulang at mga guro na tutulan ang panunumbalik ng ROTC sa mga pamantasan.
Samantala, nananawagan ang Kabataan Party-list kay Pang. Benigno Aquino III na basagin ang kanyang pananahimik ukol sa isyu ng panunumbalik ng nasabing programa.
Nakapagsalita na ang kabataan ngunit ang tindig ni Aquino sa isyu ng mandatory ROTC ay hindi marinig saan man. “Talagang nakakabingi ang kanyang pananahimik,” dugtong ni Palatino.
Ayon kay DND Spokesperson Eduardo Batac, ang naturang panunumbalik ng programa ay tutugon sa suliranin ng AFP’s sa kakulangan ng tauhan bukod sa kanilang “kakarampot na badyet.”
Bagay na ikinadismaya ng nakababatang kongresista. “Una, ang pagmomodernisa ng AFP sa pamamagitan ng public-private partnerships. Ngayon ito naman. Maguumpisa silang bumuhay ng batalyones ng laruang sundalo mula sa abo para sa ikabubuhay ng isang insitusyong militar,” pagtatapos ni Palatino.
‘Dato’s melodramatic privilege speech: pathetic,’ says IAM
Due to the crimes of the former First Family to the Filipino people
‘Dato’s melodramatic privilege speech: pathetic,’ says IAM
Reference: Mark Louie Aquino, IAM Spokesperson
The Imprison Arroyo Movement (IAM) today said that Camarines Sur Second District Representative Diosdado ‘Dato’ Arroyo’s privilege speech on Monday is indeed melodramatic and pathetic. They also said that it is very obvious that the former First Family only wants to solicit sympathy and appeal to emotions of the Filipino people to be able to save themselves over criticisms to their vast crimes against the Filipino people.
IAM insisted that the ‘son-defending-mom’ picture that we witnessed is not effective and will no longer make the Arroyos innocent to the massive corruption and human rights violation cases that Pampanga’s Second District Representative Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and minions executed during her nine years stay as president.
On Monday, the youngest Arroyo in Congress gave his privelege speech at the Lower House shielding his mom against critics, particularly Bayan Muna Party-List Representative Teddy Casino. IAM believes that this ‘telenovela-inspired scene’ only aims to whitewash their criminal obligations to the people and pacify attacks against them.
‘If there’s anyone that should be pitied of, it is definitely not GMA nor the members of their family. It should be the Filipino people who were long-been victims of social injustices under the Arroyo administration,’ says Mark Louie Aquino, spokesperson of IAM.
He added, ‘It is indeed incredible for someone like Dato Arroyo to talk of rights on his privilege speech where in fact they were the ones involved in various loads of attacks on human rights.’
‘Dato’s “in-defense-of-mother-speech” is a pathetic hogwash trying to smother the former first family’s crime against Filipinos. Dato’s pity-us fashion of soliciting of sympathy is not going to work. The Filipino people’s call for justice is louder than Dato’s privilege speech,’ explained Aquino.
IAM further calls on the attention of President Benigno ‘Simeon’ Aquino III to conduct speedy trial and prosecution of GMA. They said that after almost 41 days of PNoy in office, nothing substantial, concrete and meaningful measures have been put forward.
‘The time for PNoy to realize his promise to serve justice to the Filipinos is running out. We can no longer wait to see GMA behind bars and there will be no other time to do that but now,’ Mark Louie Aquino ended. ###
‘Dato’s melodramatic privilege speech: pathetic,’ says IAM
Reference: Mark Louie Aquino, IAM Spokesperson
The Imprison Arroyo Movement (IAM) today said that Camarines Sur Second District Representative Diosdado ‘Dato’ Arroyo’s privilege speech on Monday is indeed melodramatic and pathetic. They also said that it is very obvious that the former First Family only wants to solicit sympathy and appeal to emotions of the Filipino people to be able to save themselves over criticisms to their vast crimes against the Filipino people.
IAM insisted that the ‘son-defending-mom’ picture that we witnessed is not effective and will no longer make the Arroyos innocent to the massive corruption and human rights violation cases that Pampanga’s Second District Representative Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and minions executed during her nine years stay as president.
On Monday, the youngest Arroyo in Congress gave his privelege speech at the Lower House shielding his mom against critics, particularly Bayan Muna Party-List Representative Teddy Casino. IAM believes that this ‘telenovela-inspired scene’ only aims to whitewash their criminal obligations to the people and pacify attacks against them.
‘If there’s anyone that should be pitied of, it is definitely not GMA nor the members of their family. It should be the Filipino people who were long-been victims of social injustices under the Arroyo administration,’ says Mark Louie Aquino, spokesperson of IAM.
He added, ‘It is indeed incredible for someone like Dato Arroyo to talk of rights on his privilege speech where in fact they were the ones involved in various loads of attacks on human rights.’
‘Dato’s “in-defense-of-mother-speech” is a pathetic hogwash trying to smother the former first family’s crime against Filipinos. Dato’s pity-us fashion of soliciting of sympathy is not going to work. The Filipino people’s call for justice is louder than Dato’s privilege speech,’ explained Aquino.
IAM further calls on the attention of President Benigno ‘Simeon’ Aquino III to conduct speedy trial and prosecution of GMA. They said that after almost 41 days of PNoy in office, nothing substantial, concrete and meaningful measures have been put forward.
‘The time for PNoy to realize his promise to serve justice to the Filipinos is running out. We can no longer wait to see GMA behind bars and there will be no other time to do that but now,’ Mark Louie Aquino ended. ###
‘Arroyos must be in jail, not in the halls of Congress,’ says IAM
Anti-Arroyo movement cries foul over proclamation of Mikey as party-list representative
‘Arroyos must be in jail, not in the halls of Congress,’ says IAM
Reference: Mark Louie Aquino, IAM Spokesperson
The Imprison Arroyo Movement (IAM) today cries foul over the recent proclamation of Mikey Arroyo as party-list representative for Ang Galing Pinoy (AGP). This movement calling for the imprisonment of the Arroyos against their crimes against the Filipino people said that the junking of the disqualification case against AGP representative is a clear bastardization of the entire party-list system.
IAM stresses that the former First Family, including Rep. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, Mike Arroyo and the rest of their kin and minions deserves to have detention cells rather seats inside the halls of the House of Representatives or any other government posts. They said that the proclamation of Mikey Arroyo will serve as a bad precedent to future nomination in the party-list race.
‘The Arroyos must be in jail not in Congress,’ says Mark Louie Aquino, spokesperson of IAM and Youth Revolt.
Aquino insists, ‘This is a clear betrayal of the Arroyo-backed Commission on Elections against their own rules and to the will of the Filipino people. We will not allow this kind of connivance among the number one enemy of our people and of the poll body.’
IAM also challenged President Benigno ‘Noynoy’ Aquino III to break silence on the matter and condemn the said proclamation. Anti-Arroyo groups further told P-Noy to block the entry of the Arroyos and their cohorts in their corrupt practices and violations of human rights. IAM said that to start cleaning his government, P-Noy must not allow Arroyo allies to stay inside his backyard.
Mark Louie Aquino said, ‘It is indeed a strong political will that is badly needed by P-Noy in order for him to realize what he promised on his inauguration speech that reconciliation will not be possible if justice will not be served. It is in high time also for P-Noy to prove that the alleged alliance between him and GMA is really non-existence.’
Finally, IAM will closely monitor every move of the Arroyos and their allies inside the House of Representatives. They also vow to pursue all possible means of action to imprison the Arroyos in the soonest possible time. ###
‘Arroyos must be in jail, not in the halls of Congress,’ says IAM
Reference: Mark Louie Aquino, IAM Spokesperson
The Imprison Arroyo Movement (IAM) today cries foul over the recent proclamation of Mikey Arroyo as party-list representative for Ang Galing Pinoy (AGP). This movement calling for the imprisonment of the Arroyos against their crimes against the Filipino people said that the junking of the disqualification case against AGP representative is a clear bastardization of the entire party-list system.
IAM stresses that the former First Family, including Rep. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, Mike Arroyo and the rest of their kin and minions deserves to have detention cells rather seats inside the halls of the House of Representatives or any other government posts. They said that the proclamation of Mikey Arroyo will serve as a bad precedent to future nomination in the party-list race.
‘The Arroyos must be in jail not in Congress,’ says Mark Louie Aquino, spokesperson of IAM and Youth Revolt.
Aquino insists, ‘This is a clear betrayal of the Arroyo-backed Commission on Elections against their own rules and to the will of the Filipino people. We will not allow this kind of connivance among the number one enemy of our people and of the poll body.’
IAM also challenged President Benigno ‘Noynoy’ Aquino III to break silence on the matter and condemn the said proclamation. Anti-Arroyo groups further told P-Noy to block the entry of the Arroyos and their cohorts in their corrupt practices and violations of human rights. IAM said that to start cleaning his government, P-Noy must not allow Arroyo allies to stay inside his backyard.
Mark Louie Aquino said, ‘It is indeed a strong political will that is badly needed by P-Noy in order for him to realize what he promised on his inauguration speech that reconciliation will not be possible if justice will not be served. It is in high time also for P-Noy to prove that the alleged alliance between him and GMA is really non-existence.’
Finally, IAM will closely monitor every move of the Arroyos and their allies inside the House of Representatives. They also vow to pursue all possible means of action to imprison the Arroyos in the soonest possible time. ###
Drilon files resolution calling for Senate probe on excessive salaries of gov't officials
Reacting to reports of excessive and unwarranted salaries and other perks received by certain top government officials, Senator Franklin Drilonl last Thursday filed a resolution directing the committees on Finance, together with the Committee on Government Corporations and Public Enterprises, to conduct an investigation into the matter.
"Reports of excessive and unwarranted monetary remuneration and perks accruing to the benefit of board directors and top officials of government owned and controlled corporations (GOCCs) and government financial institutions (GFIs), in the guise of allowances, per diem, honoraria, and bonuses, is like rubbing salt to an already open wound," Drilon laments.
"As public officers, we are all accountable to the people," explained the senator, while asking, "how can we expect people to trust us when they see that top government officials are given bonuses left and right, yet we cannot even grant them (the people), their clamour for higher wages?"
Drilon was referring to President Noynoy Aquino's state of the nation address wherein the President mentioned the case of MWSS, whose board of directors reportedly received millions on top of their regular salaries, in the guise of allowances, bonuses and other benefits.
"In these difficult times when workers both in public and private sectors are clamouring for more decent pay, such reports of excessive and unwarranted benefits and privileges being enjoyed by top officials and board directors of GOCCs and GFIs only exacerbate the level of discontent on the part of our poor countrymen," Drilon said.
"These alleged excesses in the use of public funds have to stop," Drilon said, adding that "this seemingly anomalous situation has been going on for too long, primarily because of the powers vested in the boards of these institutions to determine and fix their own compensation and benefits."
"The Aquino administration vowed to eradicate corruption in government, and it is my duty to help the President achieve this by ensuring that transparency and good governance will be in effect from this moment forward, Drilon added."
"As the chairman of the committee on Finance, I am recommending for the Senate to come up with the appropriate legislative measures to rationalize, and standardize, to a reasonable level, the compensation package of the top officials and board directors of GOCCs and GFIs, with the end in sight of promoting public trust, and protecting much needed public funds."
"Reports of excessive and unwarranted monetary remuneration and perks accruing to the benefit of board directors and top officials of government owned and controlled corporations (GOCCs) and government financial institutions (GFIs), in the guise of allowances, per diem, honoraria, and bonuses, is like rubbing salt to an already open wound," Drilon laments.
"As public officers, we are all accountable to the people," explained the senator, while asking, "how can we expect people to trust us when they see that top government officials are given bonuses left and right, yet we cannot even grant them (the people), their clamour for higher wages?"
Drilon was referring to President Noynoy Aquino's state of the nation address wherein the President mentioned the case of MWSS, whose board of directors reportedly received millions on top of their regular salaries, in the guise of allowances, bonuses and other benefits.
"In these difficult times when workers both in public and private sectors are clamouring for more decent pay, such reports of excessive and unwarranted benefits and privileges being enjoyed by top officials and board directors of GOCCs and GFIs only exacerbate the level of discontent on the part of our poor countrymen," Drilon said.
"These alleged excesses in the use of public funds have to stop," Drilon said, adding that "this seemingly anomalous situation has been going on for too long, primarily because of the powers vested in the boards of these institutions to determine and fix their own compensation and benefits."
"The Aquino administration vowed to eradicate corruption in government, and it is my duty to help the President achieve this by ensuring that transparency and good governance will be in effect from this moment forward, Drilon added."
"As the chairman of the committee on Finance, I am recommending for the Senate to come up with the appropriate legislative measures to rationalize, and standardize, to a reasonable level, the compensation package of the top officials and board directors of GOCCs and GFIs, with the end in sight of promoting public trust, and protecting much needed public funds."
Sunday, August 8, 2010
Cojuangco-Aquinos Used ‘Impostors’ Who Misrepresented Luisita Workers in ‘Sham’ Deal
By Ronalyn V. Olea
Bulatlat.com
MANILA — The so-called compromise agreement entered into by the Hacienda Luisita Incorporated (HLI) and the farm workers of the sugar plantation owned by the family of President Aquino is a sham, with the management having allegedly used as signatories individuals who misrepresented themselves as leaders of the hacienda’s farmers and workers.
Jobert Ilarde Pahilga, the lawyer of the group of farm workers who had earlier filed a petition for the revocation of the stock distribution option (SDO) in Hacienda Luisita, said he would file a petition citing HLI and these individuals in contempt of court...
Cojuangco-Aquinos Used ‘Impostors’ Who Misrepresented Luisita Workers in ‘Sham’ Deal
Bulatlat.com
MANILA — The so-called compromise agreement entered into by the Hacienda Luisita Incorporated (HLI) and the farm workers of the sugar plantation owned by the family of President Aquino is a sham, with the management having allegedly used as signatories individuals who misrepresented themselves as leaders of the hacienda’s farmers and workers.
Jobert Ilarde Pahilga, the lawyer of the group of farm workers who had earlier filed a petition for the revocation of the stock distribution option (SDO) in Hacienda Luisita, said he would file a petition citing HLI and these individuals in contempt of court...
Cojuangco-Aquinos Used ‘Impostors’ Who Misrepresented Luisita Workers in ‘Sham’ Deal
Tuesday, August 3, 2010
The role of the progressive party list bloc in the 15th Congress
The role of the progressive party list bloc in the 15th Congress
Privilege speech delivered by Bayan Muna Rep. Teddy Casiño
August 3, 2010
Mr. Speaker, my distinguished colleagues.
At the opening session of the 15th Congress last week, Bayan Muna and the other partylist organizations comprising the progressive party list bloc – Gabriela Women's Party, Anakpawis, Kabataan, and Act Teachers Party – voted with the majority in electing Congressman Feliciano Belmonte as Speaker of the House.
Marami ho ang nagtatanong. Ngayong nasa mayorya kami, kami ba daw ay mananahimik na? Pipigilan ba daw namin ang sarili sa pag-kwestyon sa mga disisyon at legislative agenda ng administrasyon at ng liderato ng Kamara? Magbabago na daw ba ang aming papel bilang mga kritiko ng status quo at ng gobyernong nagtataguyod nito?
Mr. Speaker, ang mga tanong na ito'y nagpapakita ng kalituhan sa papel ng mga progresibong kinatawan ng party list sa Kamara. Nakadagdag ang nakaraang eleksyon sa kalituhang ito. Ang pag-domina ng mga party list group na sinuportahan ng mga makapangyarihang political dynasty at malalaking interes sa negosyo ay nagsasalaula sa sistema ng party list at nagbibigay duda sa kakayanan nitong kumatawan sa mga dehado at walang boses sa Kongreso.
Indeed, what is the role of the partylist representatives? To answer the question, may I first quote the Supreme Court in its landmark 2001 decision in Bayan Muna vs. the Solicitor General.
“It is ironic” the High Court said, “that the marginalized and underrepresented in our midst are the majority who wallow in poverty, destitution and infirmity. It was for them that the party-list system was enacted – to give them not only genuine hope, but genuine power; to give them the opportunity to be elected and to represent the specific concerns of their constituencies; and simply to give them a direct voice in Congress and in the larger affairs of the State.
“In its noblest sense,” the Court further said, “the party-list system truly empowers the masses and ushers a new hope for genuine change. Verily, it invites those marginalized and underrepresented in the past – the farm hands, the fisher folk, the urban poor, even those in the underground movement – to come out and participate, as indeed many of them came out and participated during the last elections. The State cannot now disappoint and frustrate them by disabling and desecrating this social justice vehicle.”
Ayun po, Mr. Speaker, my distinguished colleagues. Malinaw na malinaw. The party lists are in Congress to represent and fight for the oppressed and downtrodden. To be a powerful voice to those whose voices are hardly heard in the corridors of power. We are here to use every opportunity for social change and the betterment of the marginalized masses. To be the genuine opposition to the oppressive and bankrupt social system that has afflicted our nation for so long.
We are at our best as a conscience bloc, as proponents of progressive and alternative policies, as champions of social reform and the politics of change. For us in the progressive party list bloc, our work in Congress is a mere extension of the people's movement for justice, freedom and national democracy.
It is in this context that we join the Majority in the 15th Congress.
Hindi ito ang unang beses na kami'y makikipagtulungan sa ruling coalition. In 2001 until 2005, we sided with the majority while retaining our independence and initiative within this working relationship, taking positions on important issues and legislative measures pushed by the majority consistent with our principles.
In 2001 as in today, we had a new administration claiming to be a product of People Power. On that premise of change and the promise of reform, we joined the Majority and expressed our readiness to overcome our historic and well-grounded skepticism of the ruling elite, provided the new leadership deliver on its promises. Alas, our skepticism turned out correct. By 2005, we quit the Majority and initiated the first of four impeachment proceedings against the former President.
Mr. Speaker, naging isang bangungot sa amin at sa mamamayang Pilipino ang rehimen ni Pangulong Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Nabiktima tayo ng isang pangulong tinaguriang sinungaling, magnanakaw, mandaraya at mamamatay tao. Isang pangulong tila hindi nagdalawang-isip na baluktutin ang ating mga batas; suhulan ang ating mga mambabatas; takutin, dukutin at patayin ang kanyang mga kritiko; upang manatili sa poder at magpayaman sa pwesto. Hindi ko na po iisa-isahin pa ang mga krimen at pagkakasala ng dating pangulo at kanyang mga alipores, at baka umabot tayo hanggang bukas. Ang importante, kailangan nilang managot. At sisiguraduhin naming sila ay mananagot.
The question now, Mr. Speaker, is will the incumbent President be any better?
Curiously, President Noynoy Aquino's innaugural speech and SONA expressed much the same things as Mrs. Arroyo's in 2001 although in more mundane but populist terms. Sabi niya: “Kayo ang boss ko. Walang wangwang, walang counterflow, walang kotong. Kung walang corrupt, walang mahirap.”
Magagandang salita, Mr. Speaker. Noon at ngayon, magagandang pangako. Ngunit ang tanong, nasaan ang pagbabago ng sistema na matagal na nating inaasam-asam?
Mr. Speaker, we are an underdeveloped country still dominated by the colonial powers led by the United States and continually being exploited and plundered by their big banks, corporations and multilateral financial and trade institutions.
In the countryside, our farmers are mired in chronic poverty, shackled by age-old feudal and semi-feudal structures and oppressed by big landed families that comprise the political dynasties in their areas.
Genuine democracy remains a pipe dream, with the political system dominated and systematically corrupted by the ruling elite. The civilian bureaucracy and military forces are mere adjuncts of whoever is in power, and government is treated as one big business meant to be plundered for the benefit of oneself and one's relatives and friends.
We need change and we need it badly. But will the new administration deliver?
We in the progressive party list bloc can not help but be more skeptical this time around. Nowhere in the President's pronouncements did we hear any policy change or proposal addressing these root problems. Mga lumang problema ang hinaharap ng bagong administrasyon. Mga luma ring solusyon ang hinahapag. Nasaan ang pagbabago?
It was no surprise, Mr. Speaker, that the Minority Leader, Congressman Edcel Lagman, in his contra-SONA last week, boasted that the Aquino government is actually adopting many of the programs and policies of the previous administration. It seems that under President Aquino, we will see even more liberalization of the economy, more deregulation of strategic sectors, and more privatization via public-private partnerships. I am particularly apprehensive about such partnerships considering the key government posts now occupied by former executives of big companies involved in electricity generation and distribution, water distribution, infrastructure, real estate and telecommunications. From being service oriented, our utilities will now be profit oriented.
Ang sabi ng Pangulo, maling pulitika daw ang pagpigil sa pagtaas ng presyo ng tubig, kuryente at pasahe sa MRT. Ano ho ang ibig sabihin nito, itataas na ang presyo ng tubig, kuryente, pamasahe at iba pang batayang serbisyo? Siguradong pumapalakpak ang mga bangko at mga negosyanteng may interes sa mga proyektong ito.
When the President spoke to us, there was no mention of agrarian reform. No mention of the plight of our workers and their demand for just wages and better working conditions.
We hoped that the efforts to hold the Arroyo regime accountable for its crimes would include not only cases of plunder, graft and corruption but human rights violations as well, which is a bigger concern even in the international community. To our dismay, it seems the more than one thousand victims of extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances and other human rights atrocities under Arroyo will not find justice under Aquino. Cases of human rights violations were left out of the Truth Commission's mandate. The Alston report continues to gather dust, its recommendations ignored. The state of denial continues, the killings have not stopped.
It also seems that under the new administration, the prospects for peace are dim with the President's insistence on various preconditions, like a ceasefire, for the talks to resume. It was inappropriate for President Aquino to dare the NDF to give concrete proposals because in fact, the various agreements and talking points since the 1992 Hague Agreement, including the 1996 agreement on human rights and international law and the proposed agreement on social and economic reforms in 1998, show so many concrete proposals from the NDF that were never reciprocated by the Philippine government.
I can go on, Mr. Speaker, but I think the point is clear. Ang tanong ng bayan, nasaan ang pagbabago? Hanggang wangwang na lang ba? May makabuluhang pagbabago ba para sa mahihirap at inaaping mamamayan na aming kinakatawan?
Ang sabi ng iba, bigyan natin ng pagkakataon ang Pangulo na patunayan ang kanyang mga sinasabi. Kailangan daw ng panahon para madama ang pagbabago. Sana nga. Sana nga. Subalit sa aming nakikita at naririnig, mukhang malabo.
Sa ganitong kalagayan, Mr. Speaker, ang papel namin ay hindi lang tiyaking tinutupad ng administrasyon ang kanyang mga pangako, subalit itulak at palawakin pa ito para maging tunay na makabuluhan para sa masang Pilipino. Sa ganitong balangkas kami'y nakahandang makipagtulungan.
Sa kabilang banda, hindi kami mangingiming ilantad at tutulan ang anumang kontra-mamamayang patakaran o batas na itinutulak sa Kongreso o kahit na anong ahensya ng gobyerno, maging ito'y galing sa administrasyon o oposisyon. Sa ganitong balangkas kami'y nakahandang makipagtunggalian.
Sa ganang akin, may isang dosenang kagyat na kahingian ang sambayanan na dapat matugunan ng administrasyong Aquino:
1. Panagutin at parusahan ang dating pangulong Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo at mga kasabwat niya sa kanilang mga krimen sa bayan.
2. Bigyan ng hustisya ang mga biktima ng human rights violations, ipatupad ang mga rekomendasyon ng Alston report kaugnay ng Oplan Bantay Laya at iba pa.
3. Ipamahagi ang lupa ng Hacienda Luisita sa mga magsasaka at ipatupad ang tunay na reporma sa lupa.
4. Ipasa ang isang legislated, across the board wage hike, itigil ang kontraktwalisasyon sa paggawa.
5. Ibaba ang presyo ng mga bilihin, tanggalin ang VAT sa langis, kuryente, tubig at mga batayang serbisyo't produkto.
6. I-repeal ang PD 1177 at ire-channel ang badyet ng debt service patungo sa edukasyon, kalusugan, pabagay at ibang batayang serbisyo.
7. Bigyan ng subsidyo ang mga magsasaka at protektahan ang mga manggagawa at negosyong Pilipino laban sa mga dayuhang produkto at kapital.
8. Baliktarin ang liberalisasyon sa mga produktong may lokal na katumbas, i-atras ang deregulasyon at pribatisasyon sa power generation, distribusyon ng tubig, industriya ng langis at pagmimina, at paggamit ng ating likas yaman.
9. Ibasura at bumaklas sa mga kontra-mamamayang kundisyon ng mga free trade agreements at iba pang dikta ng IMF, WB at WTO.
10. Paigtingin pa ang laban sa korapsyon. Lansagin ang sistema ng pork barrel, ipasa ang mga batas para sa pagpapalakas ng papel ng mamamayan sa pagsugpo ng korapsyon.
11. Ibalik ang peace talks ng walang kundisyon.
12. Itigil ang Balikatan exercises at ibasura ang MDT, VFA, MLSA at iba pang di-makatwirang kasunduang pang-militar.
Ginoong Speaker, mga kagalang-galang na kasama, asahan ninyong sa ika-15 Kongreso, isusulong namin ang mga ito upang higit pang mapaglingkuran ang masang Pilipino.
Maraming salamat po.
Privilege speech delivered by Bayan Muna Rep. Teddy Casiño
August 3, 2010
Mr. Speaker, my distinguished colleagues.
At the opening session of the 15th Congress last week, Bayan Muna and the other partylist organizations comprising the progressive party list bloc – Gabriela Women's Party, Anakpawis, Kabataan, and Act Teachers Party – voted with the majority in electing Congressman Feliciano Belmonte as Speaker of the House.
Marami ho ang nagtatanong. Ngayong nasa mayorya kami, kami ba daw ay mananahimik na? Pipigilan ba daw namin ang sarili sa pag-kwestyon sa mga disisyon at legislative agenda ng administrasyon at ng liderato ng Kamara? Magbabago na daw ba ang aming papel bilang mga kritiko ng status quo at ng gobyernong nagtataguyod nito?
Mr. Speaker, ang mga tanong na ito'y nagpapakita ng kalituhan sa papel ng mga progresibong kinatawan ng party list sa Kamara. Nakadagdag ang nakaraang eleksyon sa kalituhang ito. Ang pag-domina ng mga party list group na sinuportahan ng mga makapangyarihang political dynasty at malalaking interes sa negosyo ay nagsasalaula sa sistema ng party list at nagbibigay duda sa kakayanan nitong kumatawan sa mga dehado at walang boses sa Kongreso.
Indeed, what is the role of the partylist representatives? To answer the question, may I first quote the Supreme Court in its landmark 2001 decision in Bayan Muna vs. the Solicitor General.
“It is ironic” the High Court said, “that the marginalized and underrepresented in our midst are the majority who wallow in poverty, destitution and infirmity. It was for them that the party-list system was enacted – to give them not only genuine hope, but genuine power; to give them the opportunity to be elected and to represent the specific concerns of their constituencies; and simply to give them a direct voice in Congress and in the larger affairs of the State.
“In its noblest sense,” the Court further said, “the party-list system truly empowers the masses and ushers a new hope for genuine change. Verily, it invites those marginalized and underrepresented in the past – the farm hands, the fisher folk, the urban poor, even those in the underground movement – to come out and participate, as indeed many of them came out and participated during the last elections. The State cannot now disappoint and frustrate them by disabling and desecrating this social justice vehicle.”
Ayun po, Mr. Speaker, my distinguished colleagues. Malinaw na malinaw. The party lists are in Congress to represent and fight for the oppressed and downtrodden. To be a powerful voice to those whose voices are hardly heard in the corridors of power. We are here to use every opportunity for social change and the betterment of the marginalized masses. To be the genuine opposition to the oppressive and bankrupt social system that has afflicted our nation for so long.
We are at our best as a conscience bloc, as proponents of progressive and alternative policies, as champions of social reform and the politics of change. For us in the progressive party list bloc, our work in Congress is a mere extension of the people's movement for justice, freedom and national democracy.
It is in this context that we join the Majority in the 15th Congress.
Hindi ito ang unang beses na kami'y makikipagtulungan sa ruling coalition. In 2001 until 2005, we sided with the majority while retaining our independence and initiative within this working relationship, taking positions on important issues and legislative measures pushed by the majority consistent with our principles.
In 2001 as in today, we had a new administration claiming to be a product of People Power. On that premise of change and the promise of reform, we joined the Majority and expressed our readiness to overcome our historic and well-grounded skepticism of the ruling elite, provided the new leadership deliver on its promises. Alas, our skepticism turned out correct. By 2005, we quit the Majority and initiated the first of four impeachment proceedings against the former President.
Mr. Speaker, naging isang bangungot sa amin at sa mamamayang Pilipino ang rehimen ni Pangulong Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Nabiktima tayo ng isang pangulong tinaguriang sinungaling, magnanakaw, mandaraya at mamamatay tao. Isang pangulong tila hindi nagdalawang-isip na baluktutin ang ating mga batas; suhulan ang ating mga mambabatas; takutin, dukutin at patayin ang kanyang mga kritiko; upang manatili sa poder at magpayaman sa pwesto. Hindi ko na po iisa-isahin pa ang mga krimen at pagkakasala ng dating pangulo at kanyang mga alipores, at baka umabot tayo hanggang bukas. Ang importante, kailangan nilang managot. At sisiguraduhin naming sila ay mananagot.
The question now, Mr. Speaker, is will the incumbent President be any better?
Curiously, President Noynoy Aquino's innaugural speech and SONA expressed much the same things as Mrs. Arroyo's in 2001 although in more mundane but populist terms. Sabi niya: “Kayo ang boss ko. Walang wangwang, walang counterflow, walang kotong. Kung walang corrupt, walang mahirap.”
Magagandang salita, Mr. Speaker. Noon at ngayon, magagandang pangako. Ngunit ang tanong, nasaan ang pagbabago ng sistema na matagal na nating inaasam-asam?
Mr. Speaker, we are an underdeveloped country still dominated by the colonial powers led by the United States and continually being exploited and plundered by their big banks, corporations and multilateral financial and trade institutions.
In the countryside, our farmers are mired in chronic poverty, shackled by age-old feudal and semi-feudal structures and oppressed by big landed families that comprise the political dynasties in their areas.
Genuine democracy remains a pipe dream, with the political system dominated and systematically corrupted by the ruling elite. The civilian bureaucracy and military forces are mere adjuncts of whoever is in power, and government is treated as one big business meant to be plundered for the benefit of oneself and one's relatives and friends.
We need change and we need it badly. But will the new administration deliver?
We in the progressive party list bloc can not help but be more skeptical this time around. Nowhere in the President's pronouncements did we hear any policy change or proposal addressing these root problems. Mga lumang problema ang hinaharap ng bagong administrasyon. Mga luma ring solusyon ang hinahapag. Nasaan ang pagbabago?
It was no surprise, Mr. Speaker, that the Minority Leader, Congressman Edcel Lagman, in his contra-SONA last week, boasted that the Aquino government is actually adopting many of the programs and policies of the previous administration. It seems that under President Aquino, we will see even more liberalization of the economy, more deregulation of strategic sectors, and more privatization via public-private partnerships. I am particularly apprehensive about such partnerships considering the key government posts now occupied by former executives of big companies involved in electricity generation and distribution, water distribution, infrastructure, real estate and telecommunications. From being service oriented, our utilities will now be profit oriented.
Ang sabi ng Pangulo, maling pulitika daw ang pagpigil sa pagtaas ng presyo ng tubig, kuryente at pasahe sa MRT. Ano ho ang ibig sabihin nito, itataas na ang presyo ng tubig, kuryente, pamasahe at iba pang batayang serbisyo? Siguradong pumapalakpak ang mga bangko at mga negosyanteng may interes sa mga proyektong ito.
When the President spoke to us, there was no mention of agrarian reform. No mention of the plight of our workers and their demand for just wages and better working conditions.
We hoped that the efforts to hold the Arroyo regime accountable for its crimes would include not only cases of plunder, graft and corruption but human rights violations as well, which is a bigger concern even in the international community. To our dismay, it seems the more than one thousand victims of extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances and other human rights atrocities under Arroyo will not find justice under Aquino. Cases of human rights violations were left out of the Truth Commission's mandate. The Alston report continues to gather dust, its recommendations ignored. The state of denial continues, the killings have not stopped.
It also seems that under the new administration, the prospects for peace are dim with the President's insistence on various preconditions, like a ceasefire, for the talks to resume. It was inappropriate for President Aquino to dare the NDF to give concrete proposals because in fact, the various agreements and talking points since the 1992 Hague Agreement, including the 1996 agreement on human rights and international law and the proposed agreement on social and economic reforms in 1998, show so many concrete proposals from the NDF that were never reciprocated by the Philippine government.
I can go on, Mr. Speaker, but I think the point is clear. Ang tanong ng bayan, nasaan ang pagbabago? Hanggang wangwang na lang ba? May makabuluhang pagbabago ba para sa mahihirap at inaaping mamamayan na aming kinakatawan?
Ang sabi ng iba, bigyan natin ng pagkakataon ang Pangulo na patunayan ang kanyang mga sinasabi. Kailangan daw ng panahon para madama ang pagbabago. Sana nga. Sana nga. Subalit sa aming nakikita at naririnig, mukhang malabo.
Sa ganitong kalagayan, Mr. Speaker, ang papel namin ay hindi lang tiyaking tinutupad ng administrasyon ang kanyang mga pangako, subalit itulak at palawakin pa ito para maging tunay na makabuluhan para sa masang Pilipino. Sa ganitong balangkas kami'y nakahandang makipagtulungan.
Sa kabilang banda, hindi kami mangingiming ilantad at tutulan ang anumang kontra-mamamayang patakaran o batas na itinutulak sa Kongreso o kahit na anong ahensya ng gobyerno, maging ito'y galing sa administrasyon o oposisyon. Sa ganitong balangkas kami'y nakahandang makipagtunggalian.
Sa ganang akin, may isang dosenang kagyat na kahingian ang sambayanan na dapat matugunan ng administrasyong Aquino:
1. Panagutin at parusahan ang dating pangulong Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo at mga kasabwat niya sa kanilang mga krimen sa bayan.
2. Bigyan ng hustisya ang mga biktima ng human rights violations, ipatupad ang mga rekomendasyon ng Alston report kaugnay ng Oplan Bantay Laya at iba pa.
3. Ipamahagi ang lupa ng Hacienda Luisita sa mga magsasaka at ipatupad ang tunay na reporma sa lupa.
4. Ipasa ang isang legislated, across the board wage hike, itigil ang kontraktwalisasyon sa paggawa.
5. Ibaba ang presyo ng mga bilihin, tanggalin ang VAT sa langis, kuryente, tubig at mga batayang serbisyo't produkto.
6. I-repeal ang PD 1177 at ire-channel ang badyet ng debt service patungo sa edukasyon, kalusugan, pabagay at ibang batayang serbisyo.
7. Bigyan ng subsidyo ang mga magsasaka at protektahan ang mga manggagawa at negosyong Pilipino laban sa mga dayuhang produkto at kapital.
8. Baliktarin ang liberalisasyon sa mga produktong may lokal na katumbas, i-atras ang deregulasyon at pribatisasyon sa power generation, distribusyon ng tubig, industriya ng langis at pagmimina, at paggamit ng ating likas yaman.
9. Ibasura at bumaklas sa mga kontra-mamamayang kundisyon ng mga free trade agreements at iba pang dikta ng IMF, WB at WTO.
10. Paigtingin pa ang laban sa korapsyon. Lansagin ang sistema ng pork barrel, ipasa ang mga batas para sa pagpapalakas ng papel ng mamamayan sa pagsugpo ng korapsyon.
11. Ibalik ang peace talks ng walang kundisyon.
12. Itigil ang Balikatan exercises at ibasura ang MDT, VFA, MLSA at iba pang di-makatwirang kasunduang pang-militar.
Ginoong Speaker, mga kagalang-galang na kasama, asahan ninyong sa ika-15 Kongreso, isusulong namin ang mga ito upang higit pang mapaglingkuran ang masang Pilipino.
Maraming salamat po.
Privilege speech delivered by Bayan Muna Rep. Teddy Casiño
August 3, 2010
New Economics for a New Administration
PRIVILEGE SPEECH OF REP. BELLO
Mr. Speaker, the title of my speech is New Economics for a New Administration.
Corruption was the signature of the administration of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. This is why this Representation shares the public disgust with a record of orgiastic compensation, brazen manipulation of government agencies and funds for political purposes and massive waste of the people’s money, detailed by President Benigno Aquino III during his State of the Nation Address on Monday, July 26, 2010. The public is still reeling from the presidential revelations about the rotting of millions of sacks of imported rice in the warehouses of the National Food Authority, the way that the National Power Corporation (NPC) was commanded to sell electricity at a low price for electoral gain and the amazing privileges which the board and top executives of the MWSS gave themselves. However, I fully agree with my friend from Cavite, Hon. Elpidio Barzaga, when he said that President Aquino should not stop at that issue of MWSS because there are other government-owned and -controlled corporations and government financial institutions that have arrogated more exorbitant rewards for
their directors.
In this regard, let me just mention the astronomical P500,000 monthly salary that the former head of the GSIS gave himself, and the only less celestial salaries of the 48 vice presidents, 48 that made up his court—a fact revealed a few days ago by Ferdinand Gaite, the head of a major public employees’ union.
If the subordinates of the GMA administration behaved like pigs, kung ang mga galamay ng nakaraang administrasyon ay kumilos ng parang buwaya, ito ay dahil meron silang magandang halimbawa sa pangungurakot sa itaas. They have a good model at the top. This was a model not only in corruption and plunder but a model on how to behave with impunity and subvert democratic institutions. The channeling of P105 million of the calamity fund to the Second District of Pampanga while starving other districts and provinces of these resources, the P329 million NBN-ZTE scandal, the P728 million fertilizer scam, the stealing of the 2004 presidential elections, the glorification of butcher Palparan as hundreds of activists and journalists were killed or made to disappear, the coddling of warlords like the Ampatuans in return for political favors—for these deeds, the Representative of the Second District of Pampanga awaits prosecution and hopefully this process gets underway soon so that she can be transported from this august Chamber to the New Bilibid Prison in Muntinlupa where she belongs.
On this occasion, let me quote the words that Cicero flung at the great subverter of Rome’s institution, Catiline, which says: “Quo usque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia nostra?” How much longer will you abuse the people’s patience, Gloria?
Let me proceed with my main intent in giving this privilege speech which is the need for the administration to articulate the policy paradigm to compliment its anti-corruption thrust.
We, in Akbayan, support the passage of a National Land Use Bill and some of the other measures mentioned by President Aquino two days ago, but there is a need for a more strategic approach and detailed policy package and I hope the majority and the minority can cooperate in filling out a positive policy agenda for the administration to follow over the next six years.
The dominant feature of the Aquino administration was, as we said, pervasive corruption, but its most destructive legacy in the long term will probably be its policy failure. The ascent to power of a new President, backed by a new Congress, provides the opportunity for a fundamental shift in policy in order to end poverty and re-launch the Philippines on the road to development.
The policy paradigm of the administration was one it inherited from previous administrations. This was a pro-market, neo-liberal approach, the keys or prongs of which were accelerated trade and financial liberalization, deregulation and privatization. In addition, President Arroyo continued her predecessor’s policy of fully servicing the foreign debt, dealt with the ever-widening budget deficit by imposing a 12 percent value-added tax that hit mainly the middle class and the poor, and left it to the market to address poverty and income inequality.
With its pro-market orientation, the Arroyo presidency followed the lead of previous administrations in refusing to pursue an industrial policy, reducing budget support for agriculture to a minimum, and radically bringing down tariffs on both agricultural and manufacturing imports. Abandoned to global market forces as the administration embraced the ideology of globalization, the economy was channeled to the massive export of labor, export-oriented low-value-added manufacturing, particularly of electronic products, and providing personnel for the outsourced operations of transnational corporations like call centers.
Not surprisingly, dear colleagues, the country’s GDP growth rate was consistently significantly below those of its Asian neighbors, the radical reduction of tariffs decimated manufacturing, the country was turned from a net food exporter into a net food importer, the poverty rates stubbornly refused to go below 30 percent of the population, and income distribution worsened. In addition, the ecological crisis intensified, owing to desultory environmental management and failure to promote a reproductive health policy for fear of offending the Catholic Church hierarchy.
Let me just say in this regard that Congress’ continuing tolerance of the idiotic obstruction of population planning by benighted forces amounts to criminal negligence. We, in Akbayan, agree with Minority Floor Leader Edcel Lagman that we must immediately pass the Reproductive Health Bill.
The country’s plight under the lash of wrong policies over the last four administrations becomes clearer in a comparative perspective. According to the United Nations Human Development Report, the Philippines registered the second lowest average yearly growth rate, 1.6 percent, in Southeast Asia in the period 1990-2005—lower than Vietnam (5.9 percent), Cambodia (5.5 percent), and Burma (6.6 percent). The only country registering above average growth below that of the Philippines was Brunei which, being an oil-rich,
high-income country, could afford not to grow.
The partisans of the past administration say that its big achievement is that the Philippines grew by 4.4 percent a year over the last decade. This is nothing to be proud of since most economists say the economy needs to grow by at least 7.0 percent just to counteract its high birthrate and thus contain poverty. Can we really boast of a 4.5 percent growth rate when the second tier ASEAN countries, with none of the advantages of our country, sprinted ahead of us, with Vietnam growing by an average of 7.5 percent a year last decade; Laos by 7.5 percent and even conflict ridden Cambodia by 6.5 percent.
In the last two years, the seemingly unending crisis of the domestic economy has been exacerbated by the worst global economic crisis since the great depression—a development that is a product of the same principles of deregulation and trade and financial liberalization. This dual crisis coincides with the arrival of a new President and provides an unparalleled opportunity to break with the paradigm that has condemned this country to stagnation for nearly three decades.
First and foremost, among the necessary changes is the transformation of the Philippine State or government from a passive actor hijacked by corrupt private interests and corrupt officials into a proactive agent of development. The role of the State is not simply to regulate or discipline the market in the private sector though this is an important function. More important, the State must lead in developing and implementing a strategic program for Philippine development—one that harnesses the energies of the public sector, civil society and the market to achieve development targets. Planning, which has become a dirty word in recent years, must again take pride of place among the instruments of economic development, with the National Economic Development Authority (NEDA) ceasing to be simply a statistical collection agency and becoming the planning agency it was originally meant to be.
In this regard, my esteemed colleagues, we do not understand why the President has appointed a man, Dr. Cayetano Paderanga, who does not believe in planning, to be the head of the country’s planning agency.
The revival of an economy with a solid industrial and agricultural base must be among the key aims of the activist state since industry and agriculture are the main sources of solid growth in the economy.
So, this means engaging in the national policy or the strategic deployment of tariffs and other mechanisms, not only to protect domestic manufacturing from unfair competition, but more importantly, to give it depth, diversity, coherence and complementarity. It also means making agriculture, again, a centerpiece of the economy through the strategic management of tariffs, quotas, subsidies for farmers and sustainable agro-technology. The long-awaited completion of agrarian reform is, of course, a central element in the agricultural policy package, and the President’s electoral campaign promise to distribute Hacienda Luisita to its tenants would give the green light for this. We must confess some disappointment that that green light did not flash last Monday, but we remain confident that the President will live up to his promise to distribute the lands of Hacienda Luisita to its tenants.
Market-driven, export-oriented industrialization and export-oriented agriculture were the main prongs of the old discredited paradigm. It is time to make the domestic market again the driver of growth. This can only be done, however, by increasing the purchasing power of Filipinos in lower income groups. This will involve income and asset redistribution, including a deepening of the land reform program. Higher wages for workers, income subsidies for the poor and strengthened support services for peasant farmers are also mechanisms to achieve this goal of activating a vibrant domestic market that will be the locomotive of growth. In the current global economic crisis, the Philippines and other countries, via stimulus programs, have fallen back on the domestic market to make up for the shortfall in foreign market. This reorientation must be made permanent, a prescription that is underlined by the poor prospects of recovery by export markets in the next few years.
Asserting the role of an activist developmental state does not mean a return to the old developmental paradigm of the 1960s and 1970s. The old paradigm focused on achieving high growth rates, prioritized industrial development, made equity a secondary consideration, and paid little attention to environmental damage. The new economic policy, in contrast, stresses the quality of development with a strong emphasis on equity and ecological stability. A lower rate of growth that would meet the needs of development and poverty reduction without destabilizing the environment is not a Utopian dream, but it can only be brought about on the basis of a more equitable sharing of the fruits of growth. Thus, equity in the distribution of income, assets and resources fulfills simultaneously the needs of demand-driven growth, environmental sustainability and social justice.
The new economic policy must acknowledge the value of women’s work. For too long, women’s central role in the production of the economy has not been acknowledged, leading to the devaluation of women’s work and generating systemic inequality in income distribution between the sexes. That the majority of the poor are women is not an accident. Addressing the inequality created by gender will involve coming up with a set of complementary mechanisms, including income support, affirmative action employment and the promotion of women-friendly methods of family planning.
Production, consumption, equity and ownership of the means of production are closely linked. In contrast to a system where one form of property subjugates others, an equity-oriented system of production combines various forms of ownership, including stake ownership, private property, cooperatives and ancestral domain or communal property. Full recognition and protection of ancestral domain or communal forms of ownership, as enshrined in the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of 1997, is the best guarantee for enhancing the economic welfare of indigenous peoples. Their well-being can also be promoted through the establishment of an effective maintenance of protected areas where environmental management will be in the hands of indigenous communities. Such sanctuaries must be created not only in forest and mountain areas, but also in the seas and lakes. Fishing in waters at a designated distance from the shore must be preserved for artisanal or small-scale fishing communities.
Mining for natural resources is an important economic activity, yet government policies have supported foreign corporations that brought little of their profits to the country and left mainly environmental disasters, like the Marinduque mining disaster in 1992. Constitutional restrictions on the nationality of owners of mining firms must be fully respected, mining policy must favor mainly small operators, tight environmental restrictions must be instituted, and profits of mining operations must flow mainly to mining communities. The repeal of the 1995 Mining Act, whose provision on financial and/or technical assistance agreements allowing 100 percent foreign ownership was judged unconstitutional by the Supreme Court, will be necessary to bring about a pro-people mining regime.
In all areas of the economy, there must be a concerted shift to green technology. In agriculture, for instance, land reform and a reversal of the destructive trade liberalization are not enough. To be sustainable, agricultural technology must be made less dependent on the chemical-intensive technology that has proven so ruinous to environment and public health. At the same time, it must avoid the illusion of a new green revolution based on genetically-engineered seeds that are owned by transnational corporations. Organic agricultural methods suitable to small-scale farming must be developed and promoted with the aid of the government and our local scientific community. In this regard, the appointment of one of our former colleagues, Proceso Alcala, as head of the Department of Agriculture gives us heart for he is one of the country’s leading practitioners of organic agriculture, as is our colleague Congressman Villafuerte from Camarines Sur.
The last three decades have witnessed a disastrous experiment in the privatization of power, water and other public goods. Privatization has resulted in higher profits for the private sector but it has not brought about more efficient management.
Privatization has not brought about more efficient management and lower costs of power and water. Water rates have skyrocketed to P33.00 per cubic meter since Maynilad took over the distribution of water of a large part of Metro Manila in 1997. Then, the rate was only P8.49. In April, this year, MERALCO raised the price and charged customers by a hefty P1.20 per kilowatt hour, citing a rise in the cost of power it bought from suppliers that were owned by the Lopez family, who has a huge stake in the firm itself. Just last week, Manny Pangilinan, the chairman of this obnoxious monopoly that has five million residents of Metro Manila in its grip announced that it enjoyed a profit surge of 50 percent in the first half of 2010. This is what privatization has brought, Mr. Speaker.
People have a basic right to power, to water and production, and the delivery of these goods by public or cooperative enterprises is the best guarantee that their price remains within the range of all citizens. Making public goods affordable will sometimes involve some form of subsidization in which the richer classes and organizations assist through transfer payments, the poorer sectors of the community.
Mr. Speaker, taxation is an indispensable mechanism for government to raise the resources to spend for the public welfare. The problem in the Philippines is a system that is regressive where, owing to reliance on the value-added tax and other forms of indirect tax, the burden of taxation falls principally on the poor and middle classes. The key to raising resources is to shift the burden of taxation to the rich through higher tax rates for those in upper income brackets, more efficient collection of income taxes and corporate taxes, and increasing taxes on socially unhealthy activities such as gambling, drinking, smoking, and carbon emissions. This mix of measures will yield a significant part of the resources to cover the now gargantuan budget deficit.
Fiscal balance will not, however, be achieved without addressing the debt problem. A key reason for our national debt of P4.4 trillion is the massive borrowing by the former administration which contracted credit that was more than thrice the amount borrowed by the Aquino, Ramos, and Estrada Administrations combined. This year, automatic appropriations for paying of interest comes to two percent of the budget or P341 billion of P1.5 trillion. If you factor in amortization of the principal, the total for debt service comes to P746 billion or 48 percent of the national budget . No wonder our colleagues, the Honorables Rufus Rodriguez and Maximo Rodriguez of Cagayan de Oro City, have filed a bill to revoke the Automatic Appropriations Act for Debt Servicing. The burden grows more onerous each year. Last year, the government shelled out $4.3 billion to service the foreign debt. This year, the figure is $5.2 billion. Next year, it will be $5.8 billion. Debt servicing has become the single most important item contributing to the government deficit, especially since the government is now borrowing at higher and higher rates of interest mainly to repay debt coming due. Servicing the debt has become the top national priority and this has had not only fiscal consequences, but also developmental ones. This practice has contributed to the massive reduction in public expenditures, capital expenditures, which has in turn caused a decline in the rate of investment since the government is the biggest investor in the economy and government investments crowds in or attracts private investment. This in turn has translated into a depressed rate of economic growth. With funds going to service debt instead of being invested in the economy, we will never catch up with our neighbors.
As pointed out by Dr. Raul Fabella of the University of the Philippines School of Economics, the country’s investment rate measured as the ratio of gross domestic capital formation to GDP comes to only 15 percent, well below Indonesia’s 25 percent, Singapore’s 22 percent, Thailand’s 28 percent and Vietnam’s 38 percent. Devoting the largest part of the budget to debt service, the Rodriguez brothers also remind us that it is a violation of the Constitution which says that education must have the top budget allocation. Without a radical change in our debt management policy, along the lines of our debt moratorium or a negotiated or unilateral reduction of the government’s debt burden, successfully implementing a new economic policy that will launch the Philippines anew on the road to development will not be possible. A fundamental change in debt management similar to Argentina’s decision in 2002 to pay only 25 cents for every dollar it owed to foreign creditors is the sine quanon or necessary condition for a change in the direction of economic policy.
The President himself recognizes the need for bold action in this area when he spoke about the need for debt repudiation during the electoral campaign. Let me repeat, the President during the campaign favored radical action on the foreign debt, and with the aid of Congress, he is now in a position to implement this. In sum, a golden opportunity awaits the administration of President Benigno Aquino III. A break with past policy, however, is necessary. The contours of a new strategy that will re-launch the country on an ecologically and socially benign development path are discernible. An active State, industrial policy, reinvigorating agriculture through a reversal of trade liberalization, domestic market-driven growth made possible by equitable income distribution, environmentally benign production processes in industry and agriculture, affirmative action for women and indigenous peoples, a mixed property regime instituting such an alternative comprehensive program will take a great deal of courage and determination especially at the beginning.
A Chinese proverb says, “Every journey of a thousand miles begins with a first step.” That first step is to take the bold measure necessary to tackle the biggest problem weighing down the country, the foreign debt.
Mr. Speaker, esteemed colleagues, thank you very much for your patience in listening to some of these thoughts for a new economic policy.
Mr. Speaker, the title of my speech is New Economics for a New Administration.
Corruption was the signature of the administration of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. This is why this Representation shares the public disgust with a record of orgiastic compensation, brazen manipulation of government agencies and funds for political purposes and massive waste of the people’s money, detailed by President Benigno Aquino III during his State of the Nation Address on Monday, July 26, 2010. The public is still reeling from the presidential revelations about the rotting of millions of sacks of imported rice in the warehouses of the National Food Authority, the way that the National Power Corporation (NPC) was commanded to sell electricity at a low price for electoral gain and the amazing privileges which the board and top executives of the MWSS gave themselves. However, I fully agree with my friend from Cavite, Hon. Elpidio Barzaga, when he said that President Aquino should not stop at that issue of MWSS because there are other government-owned and -controlled corporations and government financial institutions that have arrogated more exorbitant rewards for
their directors.
In this regard, let me just mention the astronomical P500,000 monthly salary that the former head of the GSIS gave himself, and the only less celestial salaries of the 48 vice presidents, 48 that made up his court—a fact revealed a few days ago by Ferdinand Gaite, the head of a major public employees’ union.
If the subordinates of the GMA administration behaved like pigs, kung ang mga galamay ng nakaraang administrasyon ay kumilos ng parang buwaya, ito ay dahil meron silang magandang halimbawa sa pangungurakot sa itaas. They have a good model at the top. This was a model not only in corruption and plunder but a model on how to behave with impunity and subvert democratic institutions. The channeling of P105 million of the calamity fund to the Second District of Pampanga while starving other districts and provinces of these resources, the P329 million NBN-ZTE scandal, the P728 million fertilizer scam, the stealing of the 2004 presidential elections, the glorification of butcher Palparan as hundreds of activists and journalists were killed or made to disappear, the coddling of warlords like the Ampatuans in return for political favors—for these deeds, the Representative of the Second District of Pampanga awaits prosecution and hopefully this process gets underway soon so that she can be transported from this august Chamber to the New Bilibid Prison in Muntinlupa where she belongs.
On this occasion, let me quote the words that Cicero flung at the great subverter of Rome’s institution, Catiline, which says: “Quo usque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia nostra?” How much longer will you abuse the people’s patience, Gloria?
Let me proceed with my main intent in giving this privilege speech which is the need for the administration to articulate the policy paradigm to compliment its anti-corruption thrust.
We, in Akbayan, support the passage of a National Land Use Bill and some of the other measures mentioned by President Aquino two days ago, but there is a need for a more strategic approach and detailed policy package and I hope the majority and the minority can cooperate in filling out a positive policy agenda for the administration to follow over the next six years.
The dominant feature of the Aquino administration was, as we said, pervasive corruption, but its most destructive legacy in the long term will probably be its policy failure. The ascent to power of a new President, backed by a new Congress, provides the opportunity for a fundamental shift in policy in order to end poverty and re-launch the Philippines on the road to development.
The policy paradigm of the administration was one it inherited from previous administrations. This was a pro-market, neo-liberal approach, the keys or prongs of which were accelerated trade and financial liberalization, deregulation and privatization. In addition, President Arroyo continued her predecessor’s policy of fully servicing the foreign debt, dealt with the ever-widening budget deficit by imposing a 12 percent value-added tax that hit mainly the middle class and the poor, and left it to the market to address poverty and income inequality.
With its pro-market orientation, the Arroyo presidency followed the lead of previous administrations in refusing to pursue an industrial policy, reducing budget support for agriculture to a minimum, and radically bringing down tariffs on both agricultural and manufacturing imports. Abandoned to global market forces as the administration embraced the ideology of globalization, the economy was channeled to the massive export of labor, export-oriented low-value-added manufacturing, particularly of electronic products, and providing personnel for the outsourced operations of transnational corporations like call centers.
Not surprisingly, dear colleagues, the country’s GDP growth rate was consistently significantly below those of its Asian neighbors, the radical reduction of tariffs decimated manufacturing, the country was turned from a net food exporter into a net food importer, the poverty rates stubbornly refused to go below 30 percent of the population, and income distribution worsened. In addition, the ecological crisis intensified, owing to desultory environmental management and failure to promote a reproductive health policy for fear of offending the Catholic Church hierarchy.
Let me just say in this regard that Congress’ continuing tolerance of the idiotic obstruction of population planning by benighted forces amounts to criminal negligence. We, in Akbayan, agree with Minority Floor Leader Edcel Lagman that we must immediately pass the Reproductive Health Bill.
The country’s plight under the lash of wrong policies over the last four administrations becomes clearer in a comparative perspective. According to the United Nations Human Development Report, the Philippines registered the second lowest average yearly growth rate, 1.6 percent, in Southeast Asia in the period 1990-2005—lower than Vietnam (5.9 percent), Cambodia (5.5 percent), and Burma (6.6 percent). The only country registering above average growth below that of the Philippines was Brunei which, being an oil-rich,
high-income country, could afford not to grow.
The partisans of the past administration say that its big achievement is that the Philippines grew by 4.4 percent a year over the last decade. This is nothing to be proud of since most economists say the economy needs to grow by at least 7.0 percent just to counteract its high birthrate and thus contain poverty. Can we really boast of a 4.5 percent growth rate when the second tier ASEAN countries, with none of the advantages of our country, sprinted ahead of us, with Vietnam growing by an average of 7.5 percent a year last decade; Laos by 7.5 percent and even conflict ridden Cambodia by 6.5 percent.
In the last two years, the seemingly unending crisis of the domestic economy has been exacerbated by the worst global economic crisis since the great depression—a development that is a product of the same principles of deregulation and trade and financial liberalization. This dual crisis coincides with the arrival of a new President and provides an unparalleled opportunity to break with the paradigm that has condemned this country to stagnation for nearly three decades.
First and foremost, among the necessary changes is the transformation of the Philippine State or government from a passive actor hijacked by corrupt private interests and corrupt officials into a proactive agent of development. The role of the State is not simply to regulate or discipline the market in the private sector though this is an important function. More important, the State must lead in developing and implementing a strategic program for Philippine development—one that harnesses the energies of the public sector, civil society and the market to achieve development targets. Planning, which has become a dirty word in recent years, must again take pride of place among the instruments of economic development, with the National Economic Development Authority (NEDA) ceasing to be simply a statistical collection agency and becoming the planning agency it was originally meant to be.
In this regard, my esteemed colleagues, we do not understand why the President has appointed a man, Dr. Cayetano Paderanga, who does not believe in planning, to be the head of the country’s planning agency.
The revival of an economy with a solid industrial and agricultural base must be among the key aims of the activist state since industry and agriculture are the main sources of solid growth in the economy.
So, this means engaging in the national policy or the strategic deployment of tariffs and other mechanisms, not only to protect domestic manufacturing from unfair competition, but more importantly, to give it depth, diversity, coherence and complementarity. It also means making agriculture, again, a centerpiece of the economy through the strategic management of tariffs, quotas, subsidies for farmers and sustainable agro-technology. The long-awaited completion of agrarian reform is, of course, a central element in the agricultural policy package, and the President’s electoral campaign promise to distribute Hacienda Luisita to its tenants would give the green light for this. We must confess some disappointment that that green light did not flash last Monday, but we remain confident that the President will live up to his promise to distribute the lands of Hacienda Luisita to its tenants.
Market-driven, export-oriented industrialization and export-oriented agriculture were the main prongs of the old discredited paradigm. It is time to make the domestic market again the driver of growth. This can only be done, however, by increasing the purchasing power of Filipinos in lower income groups. This will involve income and asset redistribution, including a deepening of the land reform program. Higher wages for workers, income subsidies for the poor and strengthened support services for peasant farmers are also mechanisms to achieve this goal of activating a vibrant domestic market that will be the locomotive of growth. In the current global economic crisis, the Philippines and other countries, via stimulus programs, have fallen back on the domestic market to make up for the shortfall in foreign market. This reorientation must be made permanent, a prescription that is underlined by the poor prospects of recovery by export markets in the next few years.
Asserting the role of an activist developmental state does not mean a return to the old developmental paradigm of the 1960s and 1970s. The old paradigm focused on achieving high growth rates, prioritized industrial development, made equity a secondary consideration, and paid little attention to environmental damage. The new economic policy, in contrast, stresses the quality of development with a strong emphasis on equity and ecological stability. A lower rate of growth that would meet the needs of development and poverty reduction without destabilizing the environment is not a Utopian dream, but it can only be brought about on the basis of a more equitable sharing of the fruits of growth. Thus, equity in the distribution of income, assets and resources fulfills simultaneously the needs of demand-driven growth, environmental sustainability and social justice.
The new economic policy must acknowledge the value of women’s work. For too long, women’s central role in the production of the economy has not been acknowledged, leading to the devaluation of women’s work and generating systemic inequality in income distribution between the sexes. That the majority of the poor are women is not an accident. Addressing the inequality created by gender will involve coming up with a set of complementary mechanisms, including income support, affirmative action employment and the promotion of women-friendly methods of family planning.
Production, consumption, equity and ownership of the means of production are closely linked. In contrast to a system where one form of property subjugates others, an equity-oriented system of production combines various forms of ownership, including stake ownership, private property, cooperatives and ancestral domain or communal property. Full recognition and protection of ancestral domain or communal forms of ownership, as enshrined in the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of 1997, is the best guarantee for enhancing the economic welfare of indigenous peoples. Their well-being can also be promoted through the establishment of an effective maintenance of protected areas where environmental management will be in the hands of indigenous communities. Such sanctuaries must be created not only in forest and mountain areas, but also in the seas and lakes. Fishing in waters at a designated distance from the shore must be preserved for artisanal or small-scale fishing communities.
Mining for natural resources is an important economic activity, yet government policies have supported foreign corporations that brought little of their profits to the country and left mainly environmental disasters, like the Marinduque mining disaster in 1992. Constitutional restrictions on the nationality of owners of mining firms must be fully respected, mining policy must favor mainly small operators, tight environmental restrictions must be instituted, and profits of mining operations must flow mainly to mining communities. The repeal of the 1995 Mining Act, whose provision on financial and/or technical assistance agreements allowing 100 percent foreign ownership was judged unconstitutional by the Supreme Court, will be necessary to bring about a pro-people mining regime.
In all areas of the economy, there must be a concerted shift to green technology. In agriculture, for instance, land reform and a reversal of the destructive trade liberalization are not enough. To be sustainable, agricultural technology must be made less dependent on the chemical-intensive technology that has proven so ruinous to environment and public health. At the same time, it must avoid the illusion of a new green revolution based on genetically-engineered seeds that are owned by transnational corporations. Organic agricultural methods suitable to small-scale farming must be developed and promoted with the aid of the government and our local scientific community. In this regard, the appointment of one of our former colleagues, Proceso Alcala, as head of the Department of Agriculture gives us heart for he is one of the country’s leading practitioners of organic agriculture, as is our colleague Congressman Villafuerte from Camarines Sur.
The last three decades have witnessed a disastrous experiment in the privatization of power, water and other public goods. Privatization has resulted in higher profits for the private sector but it has not brought about more efficient management.
Privatization has not brought about more efficient management and lower costs of power and water. Water rates have skyrocketed to P33.00 per cubic meter since Maynilad took over the distribution of water of a large part of Metro Manila in 1997. Then, the rate was only P8.49. In April, this year, MERALCO raised the price and charged customers by a hefty P1.20 per kilowatt hour, citing a rise in the cost of power it bought from suppliers that were owned by the Lopez family, who has a huge stake in the firm itself. Just last week, Manny Pangilinan, the chairman of this obnoxious monopoly that has five million residents of Metro Manila in its grip announced that it enjoyed a profit surge of 50 percent in the first half of 2010. This is what privatization has brought, Mr. Speaker.
People have a basic right to power, to water and production, and the delivery of these goods by public or cooperative enterprises is the best guarantee that their price remains within the range of all citizens. Making public goods affordable will sometimes involve some form of subsidization in which the richer classes and organizations assist through transfer payments, the poorer sectors of the community.
Mr. Speaker, taxation is an indispensable mechanism for government to raise the resources to spend for the public welfare. The problem in the Philippines is a system that is regressive where, owing to reliance on the value-added tax and other forms of indirect tax, the burden of taxation falls principally on the poor and middle classes. The key to raising resources is to shift the burden of taxation to the rich through higher tax rates for those in upper income brackets, more efficient collection of income taxes and corporate taxes, and increasing taxes on socially unhealthy activities such as gambling, drinking, smoking, and carbon emissions. This mix of measures will yield a significant part of the resources to cover the now gargantuan budget deficit.
Fiscal balance will not, however, be achieved without addressing the debt problem. A key reason for our national debt of P4.4 trillion is the massive borrowing by the former administration which contracted credit that was more than thrice the amount borrowed by the Aquino, Ramos, and Estrada Administrations combined. This year, automatic appropriations for paying of interest comes to two percent of the budget or P341 billion of P1.5 trillion. If you factor in amortization of the principal, the total for debt service comes to P746 billion or 48 percent of the national budget . No wonder our colleagues, the Honorables Rufus Rodriguez and Maximo Rodriguez of Cagayan de Oro City, have filed a bill to revoke the Automatic Appropriations Act for Debt Servicing. The burden grows more onerous each year. Last year, the government shelled out $4.3 billion to service the foreign debt. This year, the figure is $5.2 billion. Next year, it will be $5.8 billion. Debt servicing has become the single most important item contributing to the government deficit, especially since the government is now borrowing at higher and higher rates of interest mainly to repay debt coming due. Servicing the debt has become the top national priority and this has had not only fiscal consequences, but also developmental ones. This practice has contributed to the massive reduction in public expenditures, capital expenditures, which has in turn caused a decline in the rate of investment since the government is the biggest investor in the economy and government investments crowds in or attracts private investment. This in turn has translated into a depressed rate of economic growth. With funds going to service debt instead of being invested in the economy, we will never catch up with our neighbors.
As pointed out by Dr. Raul Fabella of the University of the Philippines School of Economics, the country’s investment rate measured as the ratio of gross domestic capital formation to GDP comes to only 15 percent, well below Indonesia’s 25 percent, Singapore’s 22 percent, Thailand’s 28 percent and Vietnam’s 38 percent. Devoting the largest part of the budget to debt service, the Rodriguez brothers also remind us that it is a violation of the Constitution which says that education must have the top budget allocation. Without a radical change in our debt management policy, along the lines of our debt moratorium or a negotiated or unilateral reduction of the government’s debt burden, successfully implementing a new economic policy that will launch the Philippines anew on the road to development will not be possible. A fundamental change in debt management similar to Argentina’s decision in 2002 to pay only 25 cents for every dollar it owed to foreign creditors is the sine quanon or necessary condition for a change in the direction of economic policy.
The President himself recognizes the need for bold action in this area when he spoke about the need for debt repudiation during the electoral campaign. Let me repeat, the President during the campaign favored radical action on the foreign debt, and with the aid of Congress, he is now in a position to implement this. In sum, a golden opportunity awaits the administration of President Benigno Aquino III. A break with past policy, however, is necessary. The contours of a new strategy that will re-launch the country on an ecologically and socially benign development path are discernible. An active State, industrial policy, reinvigorating agriculture through a reversal of trade liberalization, domestic market-driven growth made possible by equitable income distribution, environmentally benign production processes in industry and agriculture, affirmative action for women and indigenous peoples, a mixed property regime instituting such an alternative comprehensive program will take a great deal of courage and determination especially at the beginning.
A Chinese proverb says, “Every journey of a thousand miles begins with a first step.” That first step is to take the bold measure necessary to tackle the biggest problem weighing down the country, the foreign debt.
Mr. Speaker, esteemed colleagues, thank you very much for your patience in listening to some of these thoughts for a new economic policy.
Source:
PLENARY PROCEEDINGS OF THE 15th CONGRESS, FIRST REGULAR SESSION
Monday, August 2, 2010
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